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English singer Paloma Faith told Channel 4 on Friday that she tells her children “Free Palestine” before bed every night, during an interview in which she discussed the conflict between English singer-songwriter Ed Sheeran and American rapper Macklemore.

After Macklemore announced the would no longer appear on the tour, Sheeran said on Instagram that the promoter, not he, made the decision. Hours later, three other supporting acts, Aaron Rowe, Beoga, and Finneas, announced they would leave the tour.

Sheeran has said he has been reluctant to comment on the conflict because his audience includes “young people, often children, of all backgrounds.”

Asked about Sheeran’s remarks, Faith said she disagreed with the singer and criticized him for not speaking out about Gaza during the tour.

“When he said that, it really upset me because there are so many children in Palestine who are faced with unimaginable things and shouldn’t be,” Faith said. “I say free Palestine to my children every night. I think children should be exposed to politics.”

Faith, who has three children aged nine, six, and six months, also criticized Sheeran’s use of the word “conflict” to describe the war in Gaza, saying she believed the wording should have been considered more carefully.

“I don’t like the word conflict because I think it’s an eradication,” she said. “So the wording of the statement should have probably been monitored better.”

Paloma Faith argues celebrities must address political issues

Speaking more broadly about the controversy surrounding Macklemore’s removal, Faith argued that major artists cannot remain detached from political issues.

“I’m really glad I’m not Ed Sheeran right now because it’s actually astounding and probably quite badly handled on the part of everyone who advises him, the whole team,” she said, according to The Telegraph.

“Ed Sheeran’s learning the hard way that it’s quite impossible to be at that kind of level and think you can stay out of politics because being apolitical is a political act in itself,” Faith added. “You cannot remain apolitical when people are seeing the images day-to-day.”

Faith defends Macklemore and backs tour departures

Faith, a longtime pro-Palestinian activist, said Sheeran would face practical challenges in stepping away from the tour but argued that doing so would be the “right thing to do” ideologically. She called Macklemore and the other supporting acts who left the tour “heroic” and said his comments were not “inflammatory.”

Faith also defended Macklemore after Robert Kraft accused the rapper of having a “broader history of anti-Semitic rhetoric” over past controversial imagery. She said she believed Macklemore when he denied antisemitism, arguing that such accusations can silence people who advocate for Palestinian rights.

This post was originally published on here. 

The last time Macklemore drew fire from the Jewish community for a controversial performance, he apologized, there was forgiveness — and the rapper asked fans to support the Anti-Defamation League.

That was May 2014, when Macklemore wore an onstage costume featuring a large hooked prosthetic nose, black wig, and bushy beard, prompting many commentators to say that he was indulging a Jewish stereotype.

Since then, the Gaza war has driven a deep chasm between Macklemore and Jewish pro-Israel advocates. Macklemore says that he is obligated to pro-Palestinian activism, while his critics say that he crosses lines into antisemitism.

Macklemore is not apologizing for the pro-Palestinian comments that got him canceled from opening for Ed Sheeran at stadiums, but is doubling down, and has garnered support in the entertainment community. The ADL, a pro-Israel Jewish advocacy group, has called his actions “unacceptable.” 

Robert Kraft, the pro-Israel billionaire who this week blocked Macklemore from playing at Gillette, the Boston-area stadium he owns, appeared to reference the 2014 controversy in a statement about his decision. He said the rapper had “a broader history of antisemitic rhetoric and imagery.” 

Macklemore’s 2014 costume controversy and apology

In 2014, Macklemore apologized for the costume that drew accusations of “Jewface,” saying that he intended to “surprise the people at the show with a random costume” and acknowledged that it could be “ascribed to a Jewish caricature.” 

Abe Foxman, the late director of the ADL whose absolution once was the ticket for celebrities wanting out of pariah status, forgave the rapper. “We take him at his word that he did not have any ill intent and unreservedly accept his apology,” Foxman said at the time. 

“Out of a negative can come a positive,” Macklemore said in his own 2014 statement. “Through this situation I’ve got hip to some incredible groups like the ADL, and I encourage people to check the great work they, and others like them, do.” 

Rapper Macklemore’s ‘anti-Semitic Jewish costume’ sparks renewed fury pic.twitter.com/GO8yn4rHN1

— Daily Mail (@DailyMail) September 17, 2026

The war launched by Hamas on Oct. 7, 2023, and Israel’s destruction in Gaza spurred Macklemore to pro-Palestinian advocacy.

Almost exactly 10 years after the costume incident, in May 2024, Macklemore released his song “Hind’s Hall.” The song was a tribute to pro-Palestinian protesters who took over Columbia University’s Hamilton Hall and renamed it for Hind Rajab, a Palestinian girl who was killed in the Gaza war and whose death is being investigated by the Israeli military, which has admitted to killing several other passengers in the car in which Rajab was traveling. The protesters also draped an “Intifada” banner from the second-floor window.

Macklemore’s ‘Hind’s Hall’ sparks debate over Israel criticism

Released at the height of the pro-Palestinian college campus movement, the track praised student protesters and denounced former President Joe Biden’s military support for Israel along with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a pro-Israel lobby. 

The lyrics also dismissed accusations of antisemitism against Israel critics, saying that “lies” claimed “it’s antisemitic to be anti-Zionist” and lauding the “Jewish brothers and sisters” who stood in solidarity with Palestinians.

The Jewish reggae singer Matisyahu told TMZ at the time that he believed the song invoked stereotypes about Jewish people controlling the world. 

Since then, Macklemore has repeatedly come under fire from high-profile Jewish and pro-Israel figures for accusing Israel of genocide and apartheid. 

The criticism followed him abroad. In June 2024, he said to an audience in Germany’s western city of Mönchengladbach that “there will never be reparations” for the Holocaust, but “the only way that we can atone for our past is by today standing up against apartheid, against occupation, against genocide, for a free Palestine.”

The Central Council of Jews in Germany, the country’s umbrella Jewish organization, condemned Macklemore’s invitation the following year to Germany’s Deichbrand Festival, saying it signaled that “antisemitism is welcome on the big stage” and the festival was “no longer a safe place for Jews.” 

In February 2025, Macklemore released a follow-up to “Hind’s Hall” called “F—ed up.” The song celebrated protests against President Donald Trump, his then-adviser Elon Musk, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The lyrics also drew a connection between U.S. military aid to Israel and income inequality at home, saying, “Killin’ Palestinian kids and we gettin’ hit with the cost / “Why the f— you think you can’t afford the rent in your building?”

In the music video, one frame juxtaposed a photo of a Palestinian child in the West Bank city of Jenin with an infamous Holocaust image of a child raising his hands in the Warsaw Ghetto. 

David Draiman, the frontman of the band Disturbed and a vocal supporter of Israel, said on X after the release of “F—ed up” that his fellow Jews were “noticeably absent during this explosion of antisemitism.”

Macklemore’s MetLife performance reignites Israel controversy

But after Macklemore repeated his views this month to some of the largest crowds of his career, the backlash was fiercer. Opening for Sheeran at New Jersey’s MetLife Stadium, Macklemore performed “Hind’s Hall” and declared the phrase “Free Palestine” while displaying images of Gaza.

Once again, he also sought to distinguish his criticism of Israel from antisemitism. “To all of my Jewish brothers and sisters: Criticism of Israel, criticism of apartheid, being against genocide in no way is a criticism of you,” Macklemore said on stage.

Macklemore announced online that Kraft ultimately barred him from performing at Gillette and rallied other stadium owners to boycott, telling Sheeran that he could not play in their venues if Macklemore remained on the tour. 

Kraft acknowledged the decision, saying in a statement that Macklemore had advanced “divisiveness and hate” by “only sharing selective information and ignoring the actions of Hamas.” 

“Much of my time and attention for the last decade has been focused on the fight against antisemitism and hate of all kinds, and I feel a responsibility to stand up when I believe that line has been crossed,” said Kraft.

Jewish figures including the singer Pink and Barstool Sports mogul Dave Portnoy criticized Macklemore or defended Kraft’s decision. The move was also celebrated by the Israeli-American Council, which petitioned Sheeran to drop Macklemore. 

Rapper receives backing from artists and progressive politicians

But Macklemore, this time around, is hardly a pariah. Sheeran’s remaining opening acts quit in support of him. He was backed outside of the music world by Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, two of the nation’s foremost progressives. 

The ADL, now far from pardoning Macklemore, accused him of “performative, biased and hateful anti-Israel ‘activism.’”

“This isn’t new for Macklemore,” the group said on X. “He has a record of demonizing Israel and Israelis, falsely accusing Israel of genocide and engaging in antisemitic rhetoric and behavior.” 

Clarification: This article has been updated to reflect that the IDF has not taken responsibility for the killing of Hind Rajab but is investigating the circumstances of her death.

This post was originally published on here. 

European diplomats from 12 countries revealed that Australia withdrew from joining the UK-led decision to impose sanctions on Israeli settlements in the West Bank late in the proceedings, according to a report from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC).

The UK’s trade embargo was followed by a collective statement from 12 Western-aligned governments who said they would also commit to, or consider the possibility of, establishing sanctions on Israeli settlements in the West Bank.

EU officials lobbied Australia as it tried to expand its coalition of countries to increase pressure on Israeli settlements that they view to be illegal under international law.

Australia was reportedly open to taking more aggressive action against settlements, but ultimately decided not to join the action late in the discussions, sources told the ABC.

In the end, Canada was the only non-European country to join the statement.

Australia has placed diplomatic pressure on Israel before

Over the last year, Australia has collaborated with other Western countries to add pressure on Israel over its war in Gaza and its settlements in the West Bank. In September, 2025, Australia recognized the State of Palestine at the United Nations General Assembly along with Canada and Portugal.

The ABC said it spoke with eight diplomatic sources familiar with the matter in Sydney, Canberra, Jerusalem, and Tel Aviv, who said the coalition of countries hoped Australia would join the decision to impose sanctions on Israeli West Bank settlements and were disappointed when it did not. The ABC’s sources wished to remain anonymous.

Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade said Australia and its partners were “working closely together towards the same objective, even if we are not all taking exactly the same measures at the same time.”

“We are concerned blanket import bans present practical challenges, including how to ensure they do not inadvertently harm Palestinian businesses, workers and livelihoods. The UK government has acknowledged these challenges as they work on their legislation over the next year,” the statement read.

“In the meantime, Australia is pursuing further targeted measures, in coordination with international partners, to deter illegal settlements and settler violence.”

EU officials ‘surprised’ by Australia’s decision

Two EU officials who spoke with the ABC said they were “surprised” Australia did not sign the statement in the end. However, a different official involved in the negotiations said that while Australia had signaled it was open to signing on, Canberra never finalized a decision to join the coalition.

The ABC also reported that some of the diplomatic sources it spoke with attributed Australia’s decision not to join the statement to domestic politics.

Sources speculated that criticism from Australian Jewish groups following the Bondi Beach terror attacks and increased antisemitism may have played a part in Australia’s decision not to level sanctions on Israeli settlements.

Another source told the ABC that the UK’s characterization of Israel’s policy in the West Bank took officials by surprise.

British Secretary of State, Edward Miliband, told parliament that settler violence against Palestinians constituted “ethnic cleansing” and that Israel’s government was turning a “blind eye” to it.

One EU source claimed that Miliband’s language departed from the agreed-upon final joint statement.

Last week the Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong said Australia was “pursuing further targeted measures in coordination with international partners to deter illegal settlements and settler violence.”

In June of this year, Australia, the UK, Canada, France and Norway all announced sanctions against Israeli firms connected to financing and “enabling” settler violence in the West Bank.

Australia said it was “ready to take more action if the Government of Israel does not take urgent steps to address the situation on the ground.”

This post was originally published on here. 

In recent days, the Houthis have seized control of the Greater and Lesser Hanish islands in the southern Red Sea, continuing their lightning advance that has brought the organization to effectively control the strategically important Bab el-Mandeb Strait. 

Earlier this month, their forces captured the strategic port city of Mocha, expelling forces linked to the Saudi-linked Presidential Leadership Council (PLC). They also overran Perim Island, located directly inside the strait, and the Zuqar islands further north.

The Iran-supported Shi’ite militiamen are now located at the narrowest point of the coastline, just 20 km. from the African coast. This affords them, and by extension the Iran-led regional alliance of which they are a part, effective control over maritime traffic making its way through the Gulf of Aden to the Red Sea.

In statements made as they advanced, the Houthis made it clear that they intend to target Saudi shipping on the strait, rather than institute a general naval blockade. 

The Houthi advance was accompanied by an Iraqi Shi’ite militia drone attack on the Saudi East-West pipeline on September 10. The pipeline had served as a means for Riyadh to transport oil to the Red Sea, thereby avoiding the Strait of Hormuz, which is subject to Iranian attacks. It is expected to be out of service for three to five weeks. 

Iran’s allies coordinate pressure across the Red Sea corridor

The coordinated action between the Iraqi Shi’ite militias and the Houthis is clearly intended to extend the Iran-led alliance’s ability to impose rules on maritime traffic from Hormuz to the Red Sea. The focus on Saudi Arabia (which initiated the current round of fighting with its attack on Sana’a airport in July) avoids inviting US retaliation, which a more general effort to blockade Bab el-Mandeb might trigger. 

The events of the last days demonstrate the Iran-led regional bloc’s continued ability to act in coordination for shared objectives. While Israel has pummeled and drastically weakened (though not destroyed) Iran’s clients in the Levant, further south in the Gulf area, Tehran and its allies remain very much in business. 

Nuances and details are important here. The Houthis, like Hamas and unlike Lebanese or Iraqi Hezbollah, are not a direct franchise or proxy of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps. Like Hamas, the Houthis are an authentic and deep-rooted local movement, with their own agenda and preferences. 

It is notable, for example, that the Houthis preferred to avoid direct engagement in the current round of fighting prior to the Saudi attacks, and are now directing their efforts specifically against Riyadh. This confirms the considerable extent to which the organization is not simply a puppet of the Iranians, acting militarily in response to orders from Tehran. 

At the same time, this operational independence should not be exaggerated. While the Houthis do not simply take orders from the Iranians, much of their impressive military capacity derives directly from their relationship with Tehran. 

Indeed, close examination of the evidence indicates that the military activities of the Houthis are enabled by the direct presence of Iranian and other allied personnel on Yemeni soil, and the close involvement of Iranian and allied Iraqi and Lebanese personnel who are instructing and managing the Houthis. Notably, China and Russia support these efforts on the basis of their shared geopolitical interests.

Documents reveal Iranian, Iraqi and Lebanese support for Houthis

Documents recently obtained by The Jerusalem Post from Yemeni sources provide details regarding this reality. The documents list the names and identifying information of Iranian, Iraqi, and Lebanese experts in Yemen who are providing expert advice and supervision to the Houthis regarding drones, missiles, and intelligence/security operations. 

The documents name, for example, the Iranian citizen Haji Murtaza Mokhles and the Iraqi Abu Mukhtar Bari Mashour, who are giving expert advice in the field of intelligence and security operations. They are working closely with Abu Jihad Muhammad Alawi al-Tiri, a senior Houthi official from the village of Bayt Baws, located 8 km. south of Sana’a. He is described as a senior official of the “Houthi Security and Intelligence Service,” serving as “administrator of the Military Intelligence Center and supervisor of the Presidential Information Center.”

Similarly, in the field of drones, the documents reference the Iranian citizen Hasan bin Hasan Danbous, and the Iraqi Hasan Iyad al-Ameri, both senior experts in this field, as working with the senior Houthi commander Hassan Sharafi in development in this area. 

Regarding missiles, the Iraqi Muhammad Sayed al-Hakim and the Iranian citizen Karar Mumammad al-Musawi are named as working with Abu Bashar Saleh al-Saree, who is named as managing the central information department of the missile forces. 

These examples are part of a much longer list. Identifying details, location, and sometimes the telephone numbers of the officials are in the documents. 

Iran, Russia and China links emerge in Houthi supply chains

The documents also include details regarding the smuggling methods that enable the Houthis to bring vital components and equipment into Yemen, and the roles played by Iran, Russia, and China. They name a number of businessmen residing in the Houthi-controlled part of Yemen, who are responsible for the import of spare parts for drones from China to Houthi-controlled Yemen. Among them are Safwan al-Dabai, Yasser al-Dabai, and Rami al-Hajj al-Alimi, along with several others. Yemeni, and in one case Chinese phone numbers, are included, along with the men’s names. 

According to these documents, following a meeting held under Iranian auspices in Muscat, Oman, in March 2024, several Chinese shipping companies have been paying the Houthis in hard currency so their ships can pass through the Gulf of Aden and Red Sea undisturbed. The list of companies includes two major Chinese concerns: COSCO Shipping and Sea Legend Shipping.

In two further passages, the documents reference a communications system south of Saada city, and connected to centers in the mountains of Hajjah, Amran, Sana’a, and the mountains overlooking the west coast.

“This network was created by experts from Iran and uses Iranian-made encryption devices, in addition to the use of Russian communication and encryption devices, especially in the Morse messaging system…

“US airstrikes were able to destroy many communication networks and jamming devices, and the Houthi militias are currently trying to replace them with Chinese devices, even if temporarily, so that Iran can then smuggle devices to Yemen and restart the jihadi communications department with all its capacity.”

It is also noted that “most of the electrical and optical infrared sensors used by the Houthi militias are Iranian-made systems that were smuggled from the Iranian ports of Bandar Abbas and Shahbar to the port of Saleef, Hodeidah, and the coasts of Al-Mahra governorate (the process is still ongoing), where the components of the missiles, and the devices, are also smuggled in the form of parts that are reassembled when they arrive in Yemen. As for the thermal cameras – the Houthis use Chinese thermal cameras, imported through official means.”
 
This evidence showcases an integrated de facto alliance in which the Houthis, in the service of shared goals but not under the direction of any other element, are provided with advanced capacities and assistance, enabling them to better pursue their aims. This structure, in addition to the undoubted religious-ideological zeal of the Shi’ite Islamist fighters, is what underlies the successes of recent days. 

Divisions weaken the anti-Houthi coalition

It is instructive to compare these arrangements with the contrasting divisions on the anti-Houthi side. There, the Saudis acted militarily against the United Arab Emirates-supported, highly capable South Yemeni element earlier this year, removing them from the field. They then concluded a pact with Turkey and Pakistan, which seems to have brought some ineffectual Turkey-supported Sunni jihadi fighters to Yemen, and little else.

The United States, meanwhile, has been looking for a way to avoid escalation, and for now seems to be staying uninvolved. Its position is based on the grounds that the Houthis are only targeting a US ally, and not the general shipping traffic that traverses the strait. 

The developments witnessed this week highlight both the deep structures of cooperation and assistance from which the Houthis benefit, and the relative disarray of their opponents. Reversing these advances will mean addressing both of these elements.

This post was originally published on here. 

Iran, China, and groups from Israel used artificial intelligence to operate thousands of fake accounts, creating first-of-their-kind AI-powered influence campaigns across social media, according to an investigation published by The New York Times.

The countries and firms used AI to intensify the scale of online campaigns beyond what verified human users could organically achieve, US officials told the NYT.

The firms reportedly turned to Chinese “open-source” AI models, which users can download and modify for custom purposes. The firms then used those open-source models to create “agents,” bots with the autonomy to operate software and complete tasks on their own without constant prompting.

The New York Times explained that once hundreds of those AI agents were let loose on the internet, they autonomously opened networks of fake accounts on platforms such as Instagram, Facebook, X/Twitter, and TikTok.

The AI agents then rapidly populated the fake profiles with false information relating to politics and current events.

First time Chinese models were used like this

US officials told the NYT that these instances marked one of the first times AI agents from Chinese-produced models were used to handle every stage of an online influence campaign, from creating new fake accounts to coordinating messaging and framing online.

Unlike proprietary AI models, the open-source models were manipulated by developers to allow the agents to evade safeguards designed to verify users and prevent the manipulation of online discourse, the US officials added.

The US intelligence community, along with cybersecurity experts, looked into the groups behind the AI-powered campaigns and traced those efforts back to state-backed Chinese and Iranian groups, as well as to Israeli campaigns stemming from two private firms.

Kyle Crichton, a fellow at the Georgetown Center for Security and Emerging Technology who studies AI and cybersecurity, told the NYT that “Agent-led campaigns” will likely become more common as the technology spreads.

“Agents can be fairly sophisticated, and so in addition to just scale, they have an ability to blend in and look more like a human user,” he said.

The investigation was published in the wake of other major technology news, as AI leaders warned of the risks of developing AI too quickly and without proper safety measures. These warnings followed public concern over recent stories of AI models going rogue and hacking other companies.

In a report last month, Meta said it had seen a “technically significant development” of bad actors using AI for malicious purposes.

AI is now “embedded within automated systems that can produce, adapt, and distribute content with minimal human intervention,” Meta added.

The investigation also traced AI-agent campaigns back to Israel

The report mentioned that IntelEye, a Tel Aviv-based company founded by former NSO Group employees, operated roughly 1,000 AI-powered fake accounts on social media to manipulate political discourse around the upcoming Israeli elections.

The company used DeepSeek, a Chinese open-source AI model, to create its agents. According to the investigation, the bots then published content both supporting and opposing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

IntelEye disputed claims that its work was intended to influence online discussions, stating the company was conducting a defensive research experiment to expose weaknesses in AI systems.

“IntelEye does not operate influence campaigns,” co-founder Maor Sellek told the Times. “Our work with DeepSeek was conducted for defensive research and testing, to understand how models with insufficient safeguards could be misused and to improve detection of that activity.”

Sellek said IntelEye bought 10,000 social media accounts and handed over control to autonomous AI agents, though he added that only about 1,000 of the accounts were operational.

The agents used the accounts to leave comments on posts to boost engagement, although Sellek said they were not very successful.

Meta told the New York Times that the vast majority of the AI-powered agents set up on Facebook and Instagram by IntelEye, other companies, and state-backed groups had been removed by its automated detection and verification systems.

This post was originally published on here. 

Rosh Hashanah just ended, and already we’re planning our Sukkot menus. Just three days ago, there was no room in my fridge for one extra carrot, and now there’s almost nothing in there except for carrots. The irony!

And the cycle will continue over the next couple of weeks. Even for Yom Kippur, when we don’t eat, the supermarkets are packed with people buying food for before and after the fast. Again, the irony.

But Sukkot is something I look forward to all year. I love Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, with their days of prayer, reflection, and forgiveness, but there is something so special about sitting in a cozy sukkah, surrounded by guests, both spiritual and physical, and simply taking in Hashem’s love and kindness.

Sukkot is a time of real joy, and after all the planning, cooking, and preparing, I can’t wait to sit down in the sukkah and celebrate.

Arugula Salad with Maple Dressing 

Besides being beautiful, this salad is perfect for this time of year. The maple dressing and candied pecans give it a touch of autumn, while the mangoes are perfectly sweet right now.

You can use arugula, baby leaves, spinach, or a combination of whatever greens you like. As always, adapt it to fit your own culinary style and what your family enjoys.

Yields 6 servings

4 cups arugula (rocket)
3 cups mixed baby leaves
3 small cucumbers, thinly sliced
1 ripe mango, peeled and thinly sliced
1 apple, thinly sliced
½ cup candied pecans, roughly chopped
¼ cup sunflower seeds or pumpkin seeds, optional

Dressing:

¹⁄³ cup olive oil
2 Tbsp. maple syrup
2 Tbsp. fresh lemon juice
1 Tbsp. apple cider vinegar
½ tsp. salt
Black pepper, to taste

In a small bowl or jar, combine the olive oil, maple syrup, lemon juice, apple cider vinegar, salt, and black pepper. Whisk or shake well until combined. Set aside, or refrigerate until ready to use.

Place the arugula and baby leaves on a large serving platter. Arrange the cucumbers, mango, and apple over the greens, then sprinkle with the candied pecans and sunflower or pumpkin seeds, if using. Drizzle the dressing over the salad just before serving and toss gently.

Crispy Potato Cups 

I don’t know why, but I always associate the sukkah with finger foods. Maybe it’s because we’re going up and down the stairs between the apartment and the sukkah, and I’d rather not carry large pans filled with hot liquid, or maybe it’s simply because finger foods are fun and the sukkah has such a fun feel to it.

When I saw the idea of making potato cups using just a potato, I thought, this sounds easy enough. I’m giving you a ground beef filling here, but you can really be as creative as you want.

For a vegan option, try mashed sweet potato or butternut squash. For a dairy version, fill them with sautéed veggies, mushrooms, and onions, and top with shredded cheese.

I love recipes that can be adapted to fit different meals. You can prepare a batch of the potato cups ahead of time and then fill them with whatever works best for the meal you’re serving.

Yields 12 potato cups

Potato cups:

12 small potatoes or 6 large potatoes, plus 1 large potato for the meat filling
2-3 Tbsp. olive oil
½ tsp. paprika
1 tsp. garlic powder
1 tsp. salt
½ tsp. ground black pepper
Oil spray, for greasing

Ground beef filling:

2 Tbsp. olive oil
2 large onions, diced
400 grams ground beef
1 red pepper, diced
¼ cup chopped fresh parsley or cilantro (coriander)
2 Tbsp. tomato sauce or BBQ sauce
½ tsp. salt
¼ tsp. ground black pepper
1 large cooked potato, reserved from the potato cups
1 egg

Place the potatoes, with the skins on, in a large pot and cover with water. Bring to a boil and cook until soft and easily pierced with a fork. Drain and let cool enough to handle. Set aside 1 large potato for the meat filling.

Preheat the oven to 200°C/400°F. Grease a 12-cup muffin tin or ramekins very well with oil spray. Place one small potato, or half of a large potato – skin side down, into each muffin cup or ramekin. Using the bottom of a small glass, press each potato down and up the sides of the muffin cup, leaving the center hollow. Use a spoon to gently smooth and shape the potatoes into cups.

In a small bowl, combine the olive oil, paprika, garlic powder, salt, and black pepper. Brush the mixture generously over the inside and edges of each potato cup. Bake for 15-20 minutes, or until the edges begin to brown and crisp. Remove from the oven and allow the potato cups to cool in the muffin tin.

Meanwhile, heat the olive oil in a large frying pan over medium heat. Add the onions and sauté until soft and caramelized. Add the ground beef and cook for about 5 minutes, breaking it apart with a wooden spoon as it cooks. Add the red pepper, parsley or cilantro, tomato sauce or BBQ sauce, salt, and black pepper. Continue cooking for another 5-7 minutes, stirring occasionally, until the beef is cooked through and the pepper has softened.

Peel and mash the reserved cooked potato, then stir it into the meat mixture until everything is well combined.

Reduce the oven temperature to 180°C/350°F. Spoon the meat filling into the potato cups and bake for about 20 minutes. Allow the cups to cool for a few minutes in the muffin tin before carefully removing and serving.

Breaded Veal Chops 

Whenever I see breaded veal chops, I immediately think of my mother. She didn’t make them often, which is probably part of why I remember them so well, but when she did, I loved them.

Years later, on one of our visits to New York, our cousin Lisa, on my husband’s side, took us out to a meat Italian restaurant in Manhattan that she knew we liked. I spotted breaded veal on the menu, and, all of a sudden, that memory came rushing back. I ordered it, and it came with creamy mashed potatoes and was smothered in fried onions. It was every bit as comforting and delicious as I remembered.

Veal chops are not something you see very often here, but around the holidays they tend to show up more at the butcher. So if you spot them, pick up a few and make these easy breaded veal chops for one of your Sukkot meals. The crispy coating and fried onions make them feel festive without being complicated.

Yields 4 servings

4 veal chops
1 cup potato starch or wheat flour
2 eggs, beaten
2 cups unseasoned bread crumbs
¾ tsp. salt
½ tsp. ground black pepper
2 Tbsp. granulated garlic
½ tsp. paprika
½-¾ cup oil, for frying
1 large onion, sliced into rings

Prepare three shallow plates. Place the potato starch or flour on the first plate. On the second plate, place the beaten eggs and season with ¼ tsp salt and a dash of black pepper. On the third plate, combine the bread crumbs, granulated garlic, paprika, ½ tsp salt, and ½ tsp black pepper.

Heat the oil in a large frying pan over medium heat. Dip each veal chop first into the potato starch or flour, then into the egg mixture, and finally into the bread crumbs, making sure it is well coated on all sides.

Place the breaded veal chops in the hot oil and fry for 8-10 minutes on the first side. Flip and fry for another 8 minutes, or until golden and crisp on the outside and cooked through.

While the veal is frying, add the onion slices to the same pan. Fry until golden and crisp, removing them as they are ready.

Transfer the veal chops to a serving platter, scatter the crispy onions over the top, and serve warm.

Cookie Crust Brownies 

I feel very blessed that I get to cook with my students at Midreshet Darkaynu on Wednesday evenings. Last year, one of the students, Atara, asked if we could make these triple-layer brownies that she loves. I was a little skeptical at first because they sounded complicated, but they really weren’t.

We divided the group into two. One group prepared the chocolate chip cookie crust while the other made the brownie batter. And what goes in the middle? Oreos. That part was simple enough!

We spread the cookie dough into the pan, arranged the Oreos on top, and then poured the brownie batter over everything. It was such a fun dessert to make together, and even more fun to eat.

Because these brownies are so rich, they’re not something I would make all the time, which is exactly why I think they’re perfect for Sukkot. It’s a festive dessert, a little over the top, and definitely one that feels like a celebration.

Yield: 20-24 brownies

Cookie layer:

¹⁄³ cup brown sugar
¹⁄³ cup granulated sugar
¹⁄³ cup oil
1 egg
½ tsp. vanilla extract
1½ cups flour
1 tsp. baking soda
½ tsp. salt
¹⁄³ cup chocolate chips
20 Oreo cookies or other chocolate sandwich cookies

Brownie layer:

½ cup oil
250 grams chocolate
1 tsp. vanilla extract
3 eggs
1 cup sugar
¾ cup flour
¼ tsp. baking soda
½ tsp. salt

Preheat the oven to 175°C/350°F. Line or grease a 23 x 33 cm. (9 x 13-inch) baking pan.

For the cookie layer, mix the brown sugar, granulated sugar, egg, oil, and vanilla until well combined. Add the flour, baking soda, and salt, and mix until a dough forms. Add the chocolate chips and mix until evenly incorporated. Press the cookie dough evenly into the bottom of the prepared pan, then arrange the Oreo cookies in a single layer over the cookie dough.

For the brownie layer, place the chocolate and oil in a small saucepan over low heat and stir until melted and smooth. Remove from the heat and set aside to cool slightly. In a separate bowl, mix the eggs, sugar, and vanilla until combined. Slowly add the melted chocolate mixture, stirring as you pour. Add the flour, baking soda, and salt, and mix until smooth.

Pour the brownie batter over the Oreo layer and spread evenly. Bake for about 30-35 minutes, or until the brownie layer is set and a toothpick inserted into the brownie portion comes out with moist crumbs.

Allow the brownies to cool completely before cutting into squares.

I HOPE you found some of these recipes exciting and that they’re getting you into the festive Sukkot mood. Although we still have Shabbat Shuva and Yom Kippur in the coming days, Sukkot will be here before we know it.

It’s such a meaningful time of year, filled with reflection, prayer, and forgiveness, and hopefully giving us the ability to move forward with more understanding, connection, and unity.

I want to take this opportunity to wish you a year filled with good health, laughter, and joy. May it be a year of coming together, of feeling more connected to one another, and of enjoying many festive meals together with the people we love.■

Henny is a kitchen coach who teaches women how to meal plan and cook so they get dinner on the table and prepare for Shabbat and hag on time. To book her for one-on-one coaching or an exciting food workshop: www.inthekitchenwithhenny.com

This post was originally published on here. 

From a World War II soldier’s mahzor (prayer book), to manuscripts from the Cairo Genizah, to a recently reunited prayer book from Portugal, the National Library of Israel’s impressive collection of prayer books and other holiday-related items immeasurably enhances our appreciation of the High Holy Days.

Dr. Chaim Neria, the NLI’s curator of the Haim and Hanna Solomon Judaica Collection, was excited to share a bevy of Yom Kippur-related artifacts, including rare prayer books, from its vast archive. It holds millions of items, both physical and digital, including books in Hebrew and those on Jewish topics; Jewish journals and magazines; Hebrew manuscripts; personal archives; and Jewish music.

In an interview with The Jerusalem Post, Neria explained how the NLI came to house thousands of prayer books, noting that “it fits into the overall mission of the library.”

He shared the extent of the library’s commitment to assembling a “very deep and broad” collection; ideally, it will include “every book printed about the Jewish people – and eventually have the best documentation of the Jewish people since the invention of printing.”

One reason the NLI has such a large collection of prayer books is that they were widely produced. “People needed them, and used them,” he noted. He even playfully pointed out that given their popularity, a printer would be making a “safe bet” if he produced prayer books.

The mystery of the Jewish soldier who fell on Yom Kippur, 1944

Neria began our tour by sharing a relatively “new” prayer book, where careful research and detective work by the NLI solved a mystery of a Jewish soldier in the US Army who fell on Yom Kippur, 1944.

A particularly peculiar two-volume Yiddish and Hebrew prayer book, printed in New York in 1942 by Ziegelheim Press, a publisher who had immigrated from Vienna to Manhattan before World War II and continued his work from the Big Apple, showed up at the NLI with many unanswered questions.

It contained the following inscription in Dutch with some Hebrew: “In memory of our son, David Meyer Wald, of the American Army. September 27, 1944 – Yom Kippur 5705, who fell in the liberation of Holland. May he rest in peace in the cemetery of Margraten, Plot Nn, row 9, grave number 222.

“Zelg and Hania Wald. Please commemorate his soul.”

The prayer books were apparently donated in memory of an American Jewish soldier initially buried in a cemetery in Holland. Researchers learned that David Meyer Wald was one of 8,288 soldiers buried in the American military cemetery near the village of Margraten, in southern Holland.

They later pieced together key aspects of his life: he was born in 1923 in Timkovichi, now in today’s Belarus. His family immigrated to the United States in 1938 and settled in Pittsburgh, PA. He served in the 325th Infantry Regiment, a unit belonging to the US Army’s 82nd Airborne Division, and was killed in Holland in 1944.

Wald was initially buried in Holland and re-interred in 1949 in Montreal.

Researchers at the NLI were puzzled about the prayer book until they discovered in 2007 that a Torah scroll was dedicated in memory of the same deceased American soldier by his parents. It was donated to the synagogue closest to his burial place in Holland. The Walds also donated two prayer books and perhaps other books to the NLI at the same time.

It is still unclear exactly how the books reached the NLI, or why it mistakenly contained another label – the Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc., often abbreviated as JCR, which worked after the Holocaust to save books stolen by the Nazis during the war from Jewish libraries and from private collections across Europe.

Yet one thing was clear: the books were donated in memory of a Jewish soldier who gave his life fighting the Nazis and who died – on Yom Kippur – “for the sanctification of God’s name,” as stated on his gravestone in Hebrew.

This is a case, Neria noted, “in which one mahzor opened an entire story of an American soldier who died while liberating the world from evil. It gives new meaning to Yom Kippur, Jewish history, and the Israel experience. The story is very touching and unique.”

A remnant of one of the oldest Yom Kippur prayer books in existence

Neria took our tour further back in time – to the Cairo Genizah, which contains hundreds of thousands of complete Jewish documents and fragments of documents, including holy books, letters, and business and legal documents. They were all discovered in the attic of a synagogue in Fustat (the ancient city of Cairo) in the mid-1800s.

Neria explained the centrality and importance of the city. “Cairo was the center of Jewish activity, partially because it was a city where many merchants and rabbis arrived; it was a religious center and also a center for commerce.” The synagogue in Cairo was similarly important in the history of nusach (traditional wording and music).

Among the treasures in the genizah is a fragment of a page from an ancient Yom Kippur prayer book. It was written in the late 11th or early 12th century by a scribe named Hillel Ben-Eli, a cantor from Baghdad who immigrated to Egypt and worked as the official scribe of the Cairo rabbinical court.

Certificates in his handwriting appeared between 1066 and 1108. He is one of the most important scribes whose writings were found in the genizah. The prayer book from which this fragment comes is the oldest in the NLI’s collections, and one of the oldest in the entire world.

Those familiar with the Yom Kippur liturgy may recognize the name of Rabbi Eliezer Kalir, one of the greatest poets in Jewish history. On one side of a page from the genizah is a paragraph from a piyut (liturgical poem) by Rabbi Kalir called “Please Answer My Whisper.”

According to Neria and his team, in the third line, one can make out the Hebrew words “[Honi] hamulat kodesh, umehallelim behadarat [kodesh]” (“[My riches] are holy noise, and they praise in [holy] splendor”). On the other side are prayers related to the Yom Kippur service in the ancient Temple.

Neria explained the importance of the poets who wrote the poems that have made their way to prayers we recite on various holidays. They include slihot (penitential poems and prayers read before Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur), kinot (elegies on Tisha B’av), and yotzrot (liturgical poetry read before the “Shema” on four designated torah portions).

“They even wrote new piyutim for each Shabbat.”

The discovery of the piyut from the genizah shows that, nearly 1,000 years ago, Jews gathered in synagogues and recited prayers similar to the ones that we recite today. And we are still familiar with these piyutim.

The Lisbon Mahzor that wandered the world

Neria completed our tour of the library’s prayer book gems by sharing one from Lisbon, produced in the period just after Jews were expelled from Spain.

“This was a very unique moment in history,” noted Neria, since the Jews had just been expelled from Spain and were briefly permitted to live in Portugal before also being expelled from there as well.

King John II of Portugal recognized a personal opportunity that would also benefit his country if he allowed tens of thousands of Spanish Jews to settle in Portugal, as the Jews possessed commercial skills and an important trade network.

Soon after, things began to worsen for Jews living in Portugal. There were new restrictions, Jewish children were seized and shipped to Portugal’s colonies, and families had to pay large sums to renew their right to remain in Lisbon. Often, Jews faced forced baptism.

Many of the Jewish community’s manuscripts – precious works of art – disappeared; others were smuggled out of the country.

The Lisbon Mahzor eventually reached the Jewish community of Aleppo and was guarded alongside the famed Aleppo Codex. The three-volume prayer book contained all of the liturgy for the Jewish year: one volume for daily prayers, and two others with the festival services for Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur.

In 1957, one volume of the Lisbon Mahzor was given to then-president of Israel, Yitzhak Ben-Zvi by the Jewish community of Aleppo, where it remained in the archives of Yad Ben-Zvi.

The whereabouts of the other two volumes remained a mystery until recently, when the missing volumes appeared in the catalogue of the Kedem Auction House. When the NLI learned of their availability – and knowing their incredible importance – it appealed to acquire them directly without public auction.

They claimed that they were treasures belonging to the Jewish people. The purchase was made possible with support from the Haim and Hanna Solomon Judaica Foundation, and the Zukier family.

All three volumes have now been reunited at the NLI and are accessible online.

Neria couldn’t contain his excitement as he showed off these treasures.

“This is why the National Library is here, to tell us about our roots and traditions – from 2,000 years after the piyutim from the Cairo Genizah were written (and read until today on Yom Kippur), to a soldier who died on Yom Kippur, with his parents’ words continuing to move us! This is a living tradition!”

This post was originally published on here. 

The iconic Kol Nidre theme – with its distinct modal inflections, expressive leaps, and solemn cantorial contours – has accomplished something rare in Jewish liturgy: it crossed the threshold of the synagogue into secular culture. For centuries, this ancient melody has fascinated everyone from classical composers and avant-garde musicians to film directors and pop artists.

Yet, the tension at the heart of Kol Nidre is striking. Fundamentally, the text is not a poetic prayer or a plea for mercy; it is a dry, legislative formula written in Aramaic for the annulment of personal vows. How did a dry legal disclaimer become bound to the most emotionally charged melody in the Jewish calendar?

“The text for Kol Nidrei dates from the eighth or ninth century, and already then it was controversial,” explained Cantor Eliyahu Schleifer, professor emeritus of Sacred Music and former director of the School of Sacred Music at Hebrew Union College in Jerusalem, who is one of the world’s foremost authorities on Jewish liturgical music. “The primary dispute was whether or not one can annul future vows.”

He noted that during the Middle Ages, the text initially referred to the year to come: “From this Yom Kippur until the next Yom Kippur which comes to us for good.” However, because scholars debated whether future vows could legally be absolved, many communities shifted to referring only to past vows: “From the past Yom Kippur until this Yom Kippur.”

“But nowadays,” Schleifer observed, “we refer to both past and future vows: ‘From the past Yom Kippur until this Yom Kippur, and from this Yom Kippur until the next Yom Kippur which comes to us for good.’”

That legal flexibility came at a heavy cost. In the Middle Ages, antisemites weaponized the formula, claiming that in the Kol Nidre prayer – one of Judaism’s holiest – Jews absolved themselves of any and all agreements and promises. This false pretext led to the systemic imposition of the humiliating “Oath More Judaico.”

The struggle over Kol Nidre’s legal text

In response, during the 19th century, leaders of the nascent Jewish Reform movement attempted to alter or drop the text entirely. 

As Schleifer noted, “In early 20th-century American Reform prayer books, the text for Kol Nidre was omitted altogether.” 

Instead, the rubric simply read “The Kol Nidre Chant,” and the organist or choir would perform the traditional melody without the Aramaic words. In other non-Orthodox traditions, alternative German psalms were substituted for the original legal formula, or cellists were brought in to perform Max Bruch’s famous instrumental fantasy on the theme as part of the service.

The text was only widely reinstated among non-Orthodox communities during the rise of Nazism in Europe, as Jews reclaimed their ancient liturgy under the ethos of “this is how our forefathers prayed.”

While Sephardi traditions feature a wide variety of regional recitatives and chanting styles – differing from community to community and cantor to cantor – the Ashkenazi melody developed into a single, widely standardized theme across Europe.

It is categorized as one of the “Mi-Sinai” tunes – traditional Ashkenazi melodies so deeply revered that oral legend attributed their origin to divine revelation at Mount Sinai. In reality, its roots are a complex tapestry woven in 15th- and 16th-century Germany.

ACCORDING TO Schleifer, the theme represents a synthesis of Ashkenazi biblical cantillations (derived from the haftarah), virtuoso cantorial improvisations, and secular medieval German folk songs sung by Minnesängers, German poet-musicians.

Historical records show how early rabbinic authorities shaped its performance. 

“Our teacher, Rabbi Ya’acov Ben-Moshe Levi Moelin (the Maharil), one of the greatest rabbinic figures of the late 14th and early 15th centuries, described a traditional theme that is recited three times, with the cantor increasing his voice each time,” Schleifer noted. “Theologians still debate whether he meant increasing dynamic volume or raising the pitch by melodic steps. Today, cantors do both.”

However, whether the Maharil was referring to the exact melody sung today remains doubtful. Without musical notation from the 14th century, musicologists believe the early medieval theme likely differed from the modern version. 

The melody was first transcribed in print in Berlin in 1765 by Cantor Aharon Beer, but it was Louis Lewandowski in 1871 who formalized the standard choral and cantorial arrangement known worldwide today.

How Kol Nidre’s melody conquered the secular world

The emotional gravity of the Ashkenazi theme inevitably attracted non-Jewish and secular classical composers.

The most famous adaptation remains the 1880 fantasy for cello and orchestra, Kol Nidrei, by the Protestant German composer Max Bruch. Bruch transcribed the theme directly from Jacob Abraham Lichtenstein, cantor of the Old Synagogue in Berlin. 

Though scholars like Leon Botstein note that Bruch was drawn to the piece primarily as a folk music enthusiast rather than a philosemite, his composition permanently etched the melody into the classical music repertoire.

Decades later, Arnold Schoenberg created his own modern and deeply spiritual Kol Nidre (Op. 38). For Schoenberg, who had converted to Christianity before formally returning to Judaism as the Nazis rose to power, the piece was a deeply personal act of repentance.

Schoenberg embedded texts from Lurianic Kabbalah alongside the traditional prayer. He also subscribed to a popular myth: that the theme originated among Sephardi Conversos singing secretly in cellars during the Spanish Inquisition. 

“That legend has no historical basis,” Schleifer clarified. “If it were true, you would hear the theme in Sephardi synagogues today. Schoenberg’s work is derived entirely from Ashkenazi cantillations.”

Myths surrounding classical masters and the melody extend even further back. Rumors have long persisted that Ludwig van Beethoven quoted the Kol Nidre motif in the Adagio of his String Quartet Op. 131. 

“In comparison with the actual theme of Kol Nidre,” Schleifer reflected, “I don’t believe that to be true.”

Beyond the classical canon, Kol Nidre migrated into 20th-century popular culture. It was recorded by pop crooners like Perry Como, adapted into psychedelic rock (such as The Electric Prunes’ 1968 track “Kol Nidre”), and featured prominently in cinema – from Al Jolson in the groundbreaking 1927 film The Jazz Singer to Neil Diamond’s 1980 remake.

Why has this specific melody crossed so many cultural boundaries?

Beyond its connection to Yom Kippur’s theme of repentance, Schleifer believes the answer lies in its core musical architecture. 

“The theme came to symbolize the fate of the Jewish people,” he reflected. “It begins in a solemn minor key, but ultimately transitions into the major scale – symbolizing a profound sense of hope and salvation at the end of days.”

This post was originally published on here. 

Wine guys love wine to the depth of their being. To them, it is more than a drink. 

It’s not just fermented grape juice or liquid grapes. Wine can be a window into all kinds of worlds. These include agriculture, archaeology, economics, gastronomy, geology, history, politics, religion, technology, and peoplehood. 

It gives insight into the “people of Israel” and the “places of Israel,” from the first sprouting of the Jewish people in biblical times to the start-up Israel of today. Above all, we like to talk about wine and share experiences to enthuse others… and be enthused.

Wine also has a wide-ranging literature. You only have to see the number of wine books in a wine lover’s private library to understand what is obvious to me: wine is aspirational. We love to read about wine, learn about it, and immerse ourselves in the wine stories of others. Some of us like to read about wine and talk about it as much as drink it.

In the next few months, some books will be published that should be on every wine professional’s and wine lover’s bookshelf. 

Hugh Johnson’s Pocket Wine Book

Hugh Johnson’s Pocket Wine Book, edited by famous wine writer Margaret Rand, is the largest-selling wine book in the world. It is not new. The first one was published in 1977. 

Englishman Hugh Johnson is the world’s most famous and prolific wine writer. He remembers James Mitchell saying to him: “You know, Hugh, everything anybody really needs to know about wine could go into a little book like this…” and pulling out his diary. (Once there really was something called a pocket diary!) This was the invention of the Pocket Wine Book, published by Mitchell Beazley, and it has continued every year since then.

The Pocket Wine Book is a mini-reference book for anyone who buys wine – in wine stores, restaurants, or on the internet. It is a comprehensive up-to-date annual guide that has retained its popularity despite the accessibility of online information. 

Hugh Johnson never believed in giving wines scores, but he does rate wineries from one to four stars. 

Explanations are in brief note form and in British understatement, though the experts contributing cover the world. The book is close to being a kind of Michelin Guide for wine, with information about wineries and wines, grape varieties, matching food to wine, and the best values and vintages. 

Even Israel gets a mention. Where else will you find a ranking of 45 Israeli wineries ranked by an international book? The entry includes large commercial wineries, small wineries, and boutique wineries; some kosher, others non-kosher. It also gives a heads-up about new-ish, tiny wineries of interest, which are below the radar.

Included are wineries owned across the spectrum: from haredi (ultra-Orthodox) to liberal Jews, right-wing settler wineries from the Central Mountains Region to left-wing kibbutz wineries, Israeli Arabs, and Christian Monks. This is part of why I say “Wine is the beautiful Israel.” Wine represents the rich mosaic of Israelis and the Land of Israel.

In Israel, we act very loudly in wine. We are active on social media like a wine giant. So it is a wake-up call to see our relative importance. In the Pocket Wine Book, Israel is part of the Eastern Mediterranean Region, and we are allocated a total of one and a half pages. 

At the beginning, Israel did not feature at all, but slowly and steadily we found a voice. We were first mentioned in the 1980 edition, but it was only a few lines. The Golan Heights Winery was the first Israeli winery to be awarded stars in the late 1990s and the first to be awarded three stars. Domaine du Castel was the first to be awarded four stars in 2008. 

In the new book, there are three Israeli wineries with four stars outright, and another three which earn two or three to four stars. Hugh Johnson’s Pocket Wine Book 2027, published by Mitchell Beazley, was released last week.

The World Atlas of Wine

IT WAS IN 1971 that Hugh Johnson wrote the first The World Atlas of Wine. He believed that wine was liquid geography. The publisher, James Mitchell, was interested in the idea of matching precise cartography to viticulture. Hugh Johnson liked the idea of mapping the main vineyards and vineyard areas. 

It took him two years of travel, research, and writing, and it became a classic. Other editions followed. It was reprinted four more times between that first edition and 2001. Each time, the content advanced considerably as the wine world expanded in terms of quality and awareness. 

In the early 2000s, Jancis Robinson MW, today’s most famous wine critic, joined him as co-author. This certainly made the ultimate dream team. Three more editions were published, and they are not reprints. The texts are rewritten, and the maps are updated, and they somehow manage to squeeze in all the new wine information that has come to light since the last edition. 

Israel used to feature in the World Atlas alongside our neighbors in a page headed “Eastern Mediterranean.” From the eighth edition published in 2019, we were honored with our own full page and map! This is repeated in the ninth edition as well, except the maps and texts have been totally updated to take into account changes in the last seven years. 

The ninth edition of The World Atlas of Wine by Hugh Johnson, Jancis Robinson MW, and Julia Harding MW will be published on September 24, 2026.

The most serious tome in the wine lover’s library is The Oxford Companion to Wine edited by Jancis Robinson MW. This is the one wine professionals studying for the WSET Diploma or Master of Wine use as a textbook. It is the ultimate in wine expertise and scholarship, and it covers every aspect of wine, written by the relevant world experts in every field. 

The contract for the first edition was signed in 1988, and after years of graft, it was published in 1994 to acclaim throughout the wine trade. It won every book prize possible.

Since then, there have been four new editions. The latest is the fifth edition, which was published in 2023. It has more than 4,000 entries from over 250 global experts and is over one million words in total. The subjects of particular interest to us are “Israel” and “Kosher,” each of which has its own entry. 

Any wine professional, expert, or connoisseur will have this book and is likely to purchase each new edition as soon as they come out. The fifth edition of The Oxford Companion to Wine is edited by Jancis Robinson MW, Julia Harding MW, and Tara Q. Thomas, and published by Oxford University Press.

If The Oxford Wine Companion is too academic for your needs, there is a new wine encyclopedia being published which is geared more to the wine lover. This is The Encyclopedia of Wine: A Definitive Guide to the World of Wine, edited by David Williams and published by Dorling Kindersley, which will be released in October.

An alternative is The New Sotheby’s Wine Encyclopedia by Tom Stevenson and Orsi Szentkiralyi, published by National Geographic. Both are excellent, comprehensive, and bulging with information. The only difference is that the Dorling Kindersley book is brand new and up-to-date. The Sotheby’s book was published in 2020. 

So if you are buying a present, it is a better bet to choose the newer book. However, both are thoroughly recommended. All the books recommended are available from the publisher, bookstores, or Amazon.

The Bible of Israeli Wines

THOSE INTERESTED in wine books on Israel have a smaller choice in English, but there have been a few I picked up over the years that I still have and occasionally refer to. 

The first one was The Bible of Israeli Wines by Michael Ben Joseph, published by Modan Publishing in 2002. I know the author as Mimi. He is in his 90s and still occasionally attends tastings. He wrote the first serious wine books in Hebrew that brought many into the wine world in the 1990s. 

The book is way out of date, but it is like a time capsule of Israeli wine at that time. Furthermore, some of it still reads well. I still dip into it occasionally. If you find a copy in a book sale, it is a worthy purchase.

The next book worth having is The Ultimate Rogov’s Guide To Israeli Wines published by Toby Press. The late Daniel Rogov, a food and wine writer initially for The Jerusalem Post and later Haaretz, was Israel’s most important wine critic. He published his annual wine guide, and I still return to it. 

It is useful for checking out winery stories and when certain wines were launched. However, if you only have one, it would be the last edition before he passed away, published in 2012. The best bet is a secondhand bookshop.

Then there is a series of publications of The Wine Route of Israel, with its striking green vine leaf cover. It was edited by Eliezer Sacks and published by Cordinata. The last English edition was in 2015. The essays, including a comprehensive history of Israeli wine, are still relevant. The sister book Wine of Israel, also by Sacks, was published in 2020 by Cordinata. 

Both of these may be found at winery visitors’ centers, and Cordinata still has a few.

Wine Journey: Israeli Adventure

THE NEWEST and most up-to-date book is Wine Journey: Israeli Adventure by Itamar Gur, Guy Haran, David Silverman, and Roni Saslove. It is a paperback that was first self-published in 2021. 

It proved popular, and an updated edition was printed in 2025. This format is practical and primarily for tourists, but there is a lot of information about Israeli wine, too. The book may be found in winery visitors’ centers or can be purchased online: www.israeladventure.wine

For a fun read, I recommend two books that cover two Israeli success stories. The Golan Heights Winery celebrated its 40th anniversary in 2023, and Domaine du Castel had its 30th year in 2022. These are Israel’s two most famous wineries, and the stories will warm the cockles of your heart. 

Golan Heights Winery: Forty Years of Quality, Innovation and Authenticity and Domaine du Castel: The Biography are still available (if you are quick) at the relevant winery visitors’ center. Both books are self-published, and they have something else in common: they both won major awards at The Gourmand Awards, the Oscars of cookery and wine books. 

These are the wineries that Israel put on the international wine map. Wine lovers, Zionists, or anyone interested in Israel will enjoy a good read and an insight into the Israeli wine industry.

In case anyone is in the know, I can confirm some involvement of sorts in many of the publications mentioned, but that is not relevant, and I make the recommendations on merit alone. 

What I will claim ownership of is the ultimate Israeli wine book that was written but not published. I had a formal agreement to write a book with a major international specialist wine publisher. The book was to include Cyprus, Lebanon, and Israel, which was a unique approach and an exciting joint venture. 

Unfortunately, Israeli and Jewish academics, artists, scientists, and authors are experiencing tough times due to Israel’s image abroad. Boycotts, cancellations, and unpleasantness are the order of the day. 

After the work had been completed, the agreement was canceled – retroactively, to my surprise, regret, and disappointment. I was told verbally that it was because of Israel’s image. This is where we are. The book on Israeli wine has been written. Let’s hope we can find a way amid the opposition to get it published. Until then, invest in a wine book. 

Dive in! Happy reading! ■

The writer is a wine trade veteran and winery insider turned wine writer, who has advanced Israeli wines over four decades. He is referred to as the English voice of Israeli wine. www.adammontefiore.com

This post was originally published on here. 

A hundred-meter-long shroud with the handwritten names of more than 20,000 Palestinian children was put on display at the United Nations (UN) headquarters in New York, Ynet reported on Friday.

The exhibition, called “The Shroud of the Children of Gaza,” was organized by a coalition of interfaith organizations, including Clergy Against Genocide and Doctors Against Genocide, as well as representatives from the Palestinian delegation to the UN.

According to Ynet’s report, the organizers described the event as an “attempt to document the young victims and prevent them from becoming numbers in official records.”

The exhibition is part of a campaign set to be held in other US cities, including Washington, DC, and Philadelphia, the report added.

“In the Gaza Strip alone, a million Palestinian children are still alive. They need food,” Palestinian Ambassador to the UN Riyad Mansour urged during a speech at the exhibition’s unveiling.

“They need humanitarian aid. They need the withdrawal of the entire Israeli army. They need freedom. They need respect. Palestine must be free,” he continued.

UN prepares for General Assembly High-level Week

Mansour’s remarks came as the UN prepares for its General Assembly High-level Week, set to take place from September 18 to 28. Part of its agenda, according to Ynet, is to demand legal and international action against Israel.

The ambassador argued during the speech that Israel’s military operations in the Gaza Strip constitute a violation of international law, and that “The occupation must be held accountable for the crimes committed against children, and the officials must not be allowed to escape because they constitute crimes against humanity and a threat to international peace,” Ynet cited him as saying.

Pictures of the children and clothing items such as shoes and keffiyehs were displaced as well, according to the report.

The event concluded with the reading of verses from the Quran and a joint religious mass attended by leaders from different religions, including rabbis.

Some of the rabbis even wore keffiyehs and headscarves, the report added.

Organizers described the ceremony as an “expression of human solidarity” demanding an immediate ceasefire in the Gaza Strip.

Organizers seek permanent UN display for Gaza shroud exhibition

Organizers added that they are working in coordination with the Palestinian delegation to place the shroud in a permanent display inside the UN building. The coalition is also planning to hold additional vigils in front of Western diplomatic buildings across Manhattan, according to the report.

This post was originally published on here. 

Al Jazeera has fired 24 journalists and staff members who worked for the network in the Gaza Strip, amid a lawsuit filed in the US accusing the Qatari broadcaster of providing support to Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), Ynet reported Friday.

The lawsuit was filed in February 2025 by Shurat HaDin, with support from the pro-Israel advocacy group StandWithUs. It names the employees and alleges that some Al Jazeera staff members had ties to terrorist organizations and, in some cases, were members of those groups.

The Jerusalem Post reported in June that the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) would conduct a comprehensive review of its database of journalists killed during the Israel-Hamas war after Hamas and PIJ published obituaries identifying individuals previously listed by CPJ as journalists as members of their organizations.

In a statement on June 25, CPJ said it had removed 20 names from its database after confirming that those individuals had worked for Hamas or PIJ.

The review followed Israeli media reports that identified several individuals previously listed as journalists by international organizations as having ties to Hamas or PIJ.

CPJ outlines criteria for listing journalists in database

“CPJ has always been clear that we do not include anyone in our data sets if there is evidence that they were engaging in combat or inciting imminent violence,” CPJ CEO Jodie Ginsberg said in the statement. “This is consistent with international humanitarian law, which considers journalists affiliated with non-state actors to be civilians, provided they do not directly participate in hostilities.”

According to CPJ, the organization uses at least two independent sources of information, desk-based research, and, where possible, in-person reporting before adding an individual to its database as a journalist or media worker.

CPJ said that in-person verification by researchers outside Gaza has not been possible since the beginning of the war because Israel has not allowed international correspondents access to the territory.

CPJ pushes for access for foreign media in Gaza

The organization has petitioned the Israeli government and the Supreme Court to reverse the restrictions preventing foreign journalists from entering Gaza.

“CPJ condemns in no uncertain terms the misrepresentation of combatants as journalists or media workers, or the misuse of ‘Press’ insignia,” Ginsberg said. “Such actions endanger every single individual journalist legitimately trying to report. We are conducting a full review of the names on our lists to confirm that no one who was actively engaged in combat is listed in our data.”

Mathilda Heller contributed to this report.

This post was originally published on here. 

Police, fire, EMS, and rescue are not immune to antisemitic lies. B’nai B’rith International will pilot proactive relationships in select communities – and we need partners to do it.

Jewish communities have spent years building cameras, plans, and volunteer patrols. Those tools matter. They are not enough. 

If the people who answer a distress call – the ambulance team, the engine company, the rescue squad, the police officer – do not see Jews as neighbors worth rushing toward, our safety, our health, and our ability to remain in a community or a country are in the balance.

This is not only a law-enforcement problem. Firefighters, paramedics, EMTs, and disaster crews are just as exposed as anyone else to antisemitic lies. We cannot assume a Star of David on a door or a synagogue on a dispatch screen will be treated as a call for help rather than a reason to hesitate.

I have seen what changes when the relationship is built before the crisis.

At the Anti-Defamation League, I took newly appointed NYPD chiefs of department to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington. The museum opened early for a special tour on law enforcement and the Holocaust.

These were seasoned officers. I watched their faces change as they learned how the Nazis used ordinary police in the Final Solution. The lesson was not that American officers are Nazis; it was that decent institutions can absorb a lie if no one has done the work of making Jews fully human to them.

Later, standing volunteer security outside my synagogue with the Community Security Service, I often stood next to a uniformed officer who knew almost nothing about the institution he was assigned to protect.

We started with human conversation – shared values, kids, the job. That bond is bipartisan. It is as simple as organizing a visit to say thank you: we are the Jewish community, and we appreciate you.

Preventing a possible nightmare

The nightmare we are trying to prevent is specific: an ambulance team that sees a Star of David and decides that call can wait; a firefighter who does not drive as fast to a Jewish home or business. If we lose first responders, we do not merely lose a layer of security. We lose the practical possibility of living as Jews in public.

B’nai B’rith International has spent decades working with first responders after natural disasters. We have thousands of volunteers in close to 50 countries. That network has too often been used only after the wreckage. We intend to use it before the siren sounds.

We at B’nai B’rith International will pilot this initiative in select communities in North America, Latin America, and Europe.

The work is straightforward and local: synagogues and lodges going to firehouses, EMS stations, and precincts; thank-you visits; shared meals; tours that humanize Jewish life; and ongoing contact so a first responder already knows the people behind the address. 

We will need partners – synagogues, federations, security networks, first-responder associations, and communal organizations that already have relationships on the ground. As we develop this through our international infrastructure, we will reach out. This is not about silos. It is about partnership to make Jews safer and human again.

Gratitude is not soft. It is a strategy. A chief who walks through a Holocaust museum with Jewish hosts does not leave as the same official who entered. An officer who has talked about his children with a congregant does not hear the next rumor the same way.

The Jewish world is very good at showing up after a catastrophe.

The next chapter is quieter: walking into a firehouse when nothing is burning and saying, “We see you, we need you, and we intend to be neighbors you would run toward.” If we wait until the siren is already sounding, we have waited too long.

The writer is the CEO of B’nai B’rith International.

This post was originally published on here. 

I live in a Jewish town in the Judean Desert, 20 minutes from Jerusalem. I am a wife, a mother, a grandmother, a hospice chaplain, and the mayor of my community. I raise my family here, I celebrate life cycle events here, and I bury the dead here.

I watch the sun set over the same hills that appear in the Bible. Many Jews who live in Judea and Samaria have written open letters to their Palestinian neighbors. Yossi Klein Halevi did it with care and moral seriousness in a full book. This is mine.

I am sorry for what happened to your family. War is ugly. Displacement is painful. Loss leaves marks that last generations. I will not pretend otherwise.

There is no way to turn the clock back to 1948 and restore the exact house your grandparents left. History does not work that way. In 1947, the United Nations offered a partition plan that would have created a Jewish state and an Arab state side by side. 

The Jewish leadership accepted it. The Arab leadership rejected it and declared that the entire land, from the river to the sea, would remain Arab. Five Arab armies then attacked the newly declared State of Israel. They lost.

That war had consequences. Jews who remained in what became Israel after 1948 were not expelled from the new state. Arabs who did not flee were allowed to stay on their land and become citizens. Many did. Nazareth remains an overwhelmingly Arab city inside Israel to this day. 

Those who left, or whose families left, made choices in the middle of a war their leaders had chosen to start. Choices in war have costs. Pretending the outcome was simply an “injustice done to” your family erases the agency of the people who rejected partition and launched the attack.

Your great-grandparents decided at a decisive moment. The leadership of their side also made a decision. They were wrong if the goal was a state of their own living next to a Jewish one. Israel exists now. It will not become “Palestine.” 

Clinging to a key from a house that no longer belongs to you will not change that. The healthier path is to build a functioning society in the areas under Palestinian control and to seek peace with the Israelis rather than to wait for another war that your side keeps losing.

It is painful to watch the same pattern repeat. Israel has offered the West Bank and Gaza as the basis for a Palestinian state more than once: Camp David in 2000, Olmert’s proposal in 2008, even after Hamas seized Gaza. The Palestinian leadership refused to close a deal. The chant “from the river to the sea” continued. 

Waiting for the shift to happen

After October 7, 2023, Israelis are finished making the same offer on the same terms while the other side still treats the Jewish state as temporary and illegitimate.

This land is not empty of Jewish history. Judea and Samaria are filled with ancient Jewish archaeology and biblical sites. Jews were exiled from this land for centuries and longed to return.

In many cases, your families still live only a short distance from where their grandparents lived, on the same stretch of land between the river and the sea. If you live elsewhere, that, too, is a choice. You could be building institutions, schools, and a politics of peace where you are.

Israel has had large, visible peace movements for decades. Palestinian society has produced far fewer voices willing to say, in public and at personal risk, that they want a state next to Israel rather than instead of it. Those who do are often branded collaborators. That culture has a price.

Until Palestinian leaders and a critical mass of the public declare, clearly and repeatedly, that they accept a Jewish state and will build their own instead of trying to erase ours, they will remain without a state of their own.

Jews built a country in which Arab citizens have equal legal rights. Israel has made peace with Egypt, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, and others when those governments decided they wanted peace rather than Israel’s destruction.

When Arabs choose peace, Israel lives with it. When the goal remains the elimination of Israel, Israel treats that population as a security threat. Why would it do otherwise? Jews did not return after 2,000 years of exile just to hand the state over and disappear.

Things do not have to stay as they are. 

Accountability would help. Stop presenting every consequence of rejected partition, rejected offers, and renewed war as something done to you with no decisions on your side. Perpetual victimhood without agency has not produced a state. It has produced more funerals.

Choose nation-building. Choose leaders who will say out loud that Israel is here to stay and that the task now is to create a decent life for Palestinians rather than to wait for Israel to vanish. 

Until that shift happens in public, loudly, and at scale, the reality will remain what it is: Israeli security control in Judea and Samaria, Hamas in Gaza, and another generation raised on the hope that the next war will succeed where the last ones failed.

I write this from a hill in Judea, as a woman who has spent years sitting with the dying and raising children in a place the world insists is temporary. It is not temporary. Israel is Israel. The question is whether your side will finally decide to live next to it.

The writer is a certified interfaith hospice chaplain in Jerusalem and the mayor of Mitzpe Yericho, where she enjoys spending time with her family.

This post was originally published on here. 

Google’s GOOGL.O Gemini model accessed the internet and hacked other companies during a test of its cybersecurity capabilities, the first known example of the company’s AI systems autonomously committing such an act.

The hacks occurred in May during a cybersecurity test conducted by Irregular, an independent company that conducts cybersecurity evaluations.

During a standard testing evaluation, Gemini found public information online and guessed credentials to access three websites it thought were within the scope of its test, Heather Adkins, Google’s vice president of security engineering, said in a statement.

“We ensured the three entities were made aware, and we worked with our training partner on the changes they’ve now made to their testing processes,” Adkins said. “These events highlight the importance of training powerful AI models to act responsibly.”

An Irregular spokesperson said the incident involved the same issue that affected other AI labs and that all relevant labs were notified in late July. “All known issues on our end were remedied and resolved weeks ago,” the spokesperson said.

Other AI companies have had similar crises 

Meta, Anthropic and OpenAI disclosed similar incidents linked to Irregular. Meta said in August the incident did not involve a sandbox escape or sophisticated cyberattack, while Irregular said it was working on best practices for securely conducting AI cybersecurity evaluations.

The incidents have raised questions about the safeguards needed as AI agents gain greater autonomy and access to the internet and computer systems.

In one of the cases, the Gemini model guessed passwords until it gained access to a protected system. In the other two cases, the model found credentials in a public repository that allowed it to then access protected systems, according to the Wall Street Journal, which first reported the news on Friday.

Adkins said that in all three instances, the model ceased its hacking.

This post was originally published on here. 

President Isaac Herzog said on Wednesday that his considerations on whether a pardon could serve as leverage on the way to a unity government were “solely substantive.” He said that before deciding on any pardon request, he had proposed mediation under the auspices of the President’s Residence, and that he believes Netanyahu’s trial should end through an agreement and plea deal.

According to Herzog, the prime minister has not yet responded to the mediation proposal, and he continues to leave that possibility open. Political figures have raised a scenario in which, if neither side has 61 seats and Herzog is determined to prevent another election cycle, ideas for a unity government and a rotation arrangement could return to the table.

Pardon issue enters broader political discussions

Some have raised, as a possible scenario, the idea that the pardon issue could emerge as part of a broader discussion on a political compromise. Sources close to Herzog declined to address that possibility and emphasized that consideration of the pardon issue is being conducted solely on substantive grounds.

The issue is being discussed against the backdrop of the possibility that another election could end without a clear outcome. In that case, the President’s Residence could become one of the central arenas in efforts to break the deadlock. Herzog has already said he will do everything possible to prevent another round of elections and has indicated that he intends to use the discretion available to him to help establish a stable government.

In interviews on Wednesday, Herzog said, “I will do everything so that there will not be repeat elections, and that a stable government will be established in Israel.” Regarding the possibility of bringing political figures together and pushing for the formation of a unity government, he added: “I have a wide set of tools; the discretion is broad.” Herzog declined to specify which framework he would support.

Sources close to Herzog said that while the president’s powers in the government formation process are defined by law, the legislation does not address every detail of the process and therefore leaves the president with broad discretion. According to officials at the President’s Residence, court rulings and precedents are binding, and the central question remains who can form a government. However, within that framework, the president retains flexibility in the way he manages the process.

Past presidents intervened during political deadlocks

The extent of Herzog’s room for action would ultimately depend on the election results and the political landscape that emerges afterward. There are precedents for such discretion. In 2019, after the 22nd Knesset elections, then-president Reuven Rivlin brought together Benjamin Netanyahu and Benny Gantz and worked to promote a unity government. He proposed an equal government structure and changes to the arrangements surrounding incapacity and the position of acting prime minister in an effort to resolve the political impasse.

An earlier precedent appears in the memoirs of Israel’s sixth president, Chaim Herzog, who described how he acted after the 1984 elections to advance a unity government between the Alignment and Likud.

“I had to try to bring together the different elements rather than allow the dynamics of events to lead to the development of a dangerous split,” he wrote.

When the deadlock continued, Herzog granted Shimon Peres additional time to form a government. Later, when negotiations reached an impasse, he wrote that he “acted to establish a small negotiating team,” including representatives from Likud and the Labor Party. Days later, Peres and Yitzhak Shamir’s unity government was presented, built around a rotation agreement.

The precedents of Chaim Herzog and Rivlin do not indicate how the current president would act if a deadlock emerged after the elections, but they show that the President’s Residence has previously served not only as a formal stop for receiving recommendations and assigning the mandate to form a government. Presidents have attempted, under different circumstances and with different tools, to help political parties reach agreements when the political system struggled to do so on its own.

The reason the scenario is already occupying the political system lies in the coalition map. Possible paths to forming a government without Netanyahu could involve various combinations of Gadi Eisenkot, Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, Avigdor Liberman and the Democrats, while other scenarios could require Haredi parties to join or some form of reliance on Arab parties.

These possibilities are not politically identical, and some involve significant gaps between potential partners. Coalition figures estimate that Netanyahu may view this complexity as a reason to believe that even if his opponents succeed in forming a government, it would face significant internal tensions, similar to those experienced by the previous change government.

The conscription law could add another difficulty of its own. Sources familiar with contacts involving Haredi parties said they have heard from Haredi officials about the possibility that at least some factions would prefer to remain in the opposition until the issue is resolved. They stressed that there could be differences on this matter between Shas and United Torah Judaism.

Under such a scenario, Haredi parties could initially remain outside both blocs, making government formation even more difficult.

This post was originally published on here. 

Foreign hackers targeted and manipulated equipment in two local Colorado water systems last month, a spokesperson for Colorado Governor Jared Polis said on Friday.

The incidents occurred at two privately owned utilities, each serving less than 200 people, and there was “no impact to public safety or water services,” the spokesperson, Ally Sullivan, said in a statement.

Sullivan said the governor’s office “cannot confirm what foreign actors may have been involved, but we are aware of ongoing efforts across the nation by an Iranian-backed group to access drinking water and wastewater systems.”

The hackers managed to change equipment settings, including disabling remote access and alarms and altering pumping cycles, Sullivan said.

“These were brief incidents and the risks were quickly addressed by the providers themselves, who subsequently alerted the state,” Sullivan said. “To our knowledge, treatment processes and water quality were not impacted at either provider.”

The incidents, which occurred in late August, happened several weeks after a wave of cyberattacks targeting equipment in local water systems across roughly a dozen states and 100 water entities, according to an August 21 advisory from the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA).

CISA did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Previous attacks targeted systems controlling critical infrastructure

Cybersecurity experts previously said the earlier attacks appeared similar to previous Iranian-linked hacking activity targeting programmable logic controllers, computer devices used to control machinery within critical infrastructure networks.

Some of the previous attacks included “degraded water operations” including changing IP addresses and turning on and setting passwords, “resulting in a loss of view, and in some cases function, of connected equipment in targeted facilities,” the FBI said in a July 30 statement.

The FBI declined to comment.

This post was originally published on here. 

Oil spills occur regularly around the world, but large, catastrophic disasters are much less common than small, everyday leaks.

Thousands of minor spills happen every year during routine tasks like refueling ships, pipeline leaks, or equipment failures on land. In the 1970s, there were between 70 and 100 large tanker spills annually. Fortunately, major marine spills from tanker accidents have dropped by more than 90% since the 1970s, with fewer than 10% per year.

Spills actually occur more frequently on land near storage tanks, industrial sites, and pipelines, but these get more attention because they spread fast and harm fragile ocean and coastal habitats.

Nature is also responsible – the single largest source of oil entering the oceans isn’t human error at all; it is natural seepage from rocks on the seafloor, accounting for about 40% to 50% of all oceanic oil.

Israelis probably remember February 2021, when its most severe and prominent modern disaster – a massive undisclosed spill (estimated at dozens to hundreds of tons of crude oil) sent heavy black tar washing ashore. It contaminated roughly 160 kilometers of Israel’s 195-km. coastline, from Rosh Hanikra to Ashkelon, severely harming marine wildlife like sea turtles and birds. They recall seeing masses of seabirds covered in tar and dying as a result of the environmental catastrophe.

But now, researchers at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev (BGU) in Beersheba are the first to develop a technology that captures and biologically breaks down oil pollution, treating crude oil and fuel pollution in marine and aquatic environments – a promising approach to both immediate containment and long-term environmental recovery.

The BGU technology is aimed at both the immediate capture of hydrocarbons and their longer-term degradation. Lab experiments showed that the material can adsorb approximately 80 to 100 times its own mass in crude oil, fuel, tar, and other hydrocarbons.

It was developed in the university’s Environmental Biotechnology Laboratory, led by Prof. Ariel Kushmaro and Dr. Danit Lisa Karsagi Biron of BGU’s Faculty of Engineering.

They created a porous aerogel made from cellulose fibers – that could be created from used egg cartons, old newspapers, and other paper materials – enriched with nitrogen and phosphorus. These nutrients support oil-degrading bacteria, making it possible for the material not only to capture pollutants but also to speed their subsequent biological breakdown.

The research team said they developed the aerogel using nutrient enrichment, freeze-drying, and pyrolysis (the thermal decomposition of organic materials at high temperatures – typically 300°C to 900°C) in the absence of oxygen, which prevents combustion.

Kushmaro told The Jerusalem Post in an interview that the aerogel provides a surface on which the bacteria can attach, bringing them into close contact with both the adsorbed hydrocarbons and the nutrients they require. In this way, the system creates conditions that support the microbial breakdown of the captured pollutants.

The process can even minimize the need to remove and dispose of contaminated adsorption material after treatment. The technology is currently undergoing patent recognition through BGN Technologies, BGU’s technology commercialization company.

Kushmaro earned his doctorate with distinction from Tel Aviv University and trained as a postdoctoral fellow at the Hebrew University’s Kevin Center for the Study of Infectious and Tropical Diseases and at Harvard University.

He joined BGU in 2001 and established the microbial ecology and microbial biotechnology lab, which focuses on investigating wastewater microbiology, marine microbial ecology, and the antimicrobial activity of various microorganisms.

The team published their innovative findings in Chemical Engineering Journal Advances under the title “Nutrient-supplemented carbonized aerogels for integrated oil adsorption and biodegradation in water.”

The most unusual aspect of the invention is not simply that an aerogel absorbs 100 times its weight, but the clever idea of turning the material into a little habitat for oil-eating bacteria, so that capture and biological cleanup happen together.

This study, from 1999 to 2002, began with identifying the environmental sensitivity of Israel’s Mediterranean coastline to marine oil spills.

It includes GIS sensitivity mapping (using geographic information systems to analyze and visualize the relative vulnerability of environmental, ecological, or cultural resources to specific human activities or natural disasters) and an analysis of the environmental vulnerability of Israel’s shoreline resources.

The study analyzes the main sources of risk for maritime accidents in the southeastern Mediterranean and develops scenarios for possible oil spill incidents, including an analysis of protection priorities for the various coastal ecosystems, in the event of a large spill.

“We described the form and structure of Israel’s coastline, and measured the physical features of oceans, seas, lakes, and rivers, and meteorological patterns that dominate and control the dynamics of the shorelines, as well as the potential for major oil spills. We also studied the different ways in which oil spills can affect natural ecosystems and socio-economic resources along the coastline of Israel,” Kushmaro said.

The study “aims at determining the relative sensitivity of different types of shoreline and prioritizing the different types of shoreline and coastal resources to be protected following a large oil spill,” he continued. 

“We also presented and analyzed data in a clear and useful way for the scientific and environmental communities, and those national authorities responsible for oil spill preparedness and response.”

Sensitivity of the Israeli Mediterranean

One of the main conclusions of the study was that the sensitivity of the Israeli Mediterranean coastline to oil spills “could be considered moderate, compared with other fragile ecosystems. This is mainly because of the form of the sandy beaches and the high exposure of most types of beaches to energetic natural cleanup processes,” Kushmaro said.

“Still, along the southeastern Mediterranean coastline there are ecosystems, habitats, shoreline types and coastal resources that are sensitive to oil spills,” he continued.

The 195 km. of the Mediterranean shoreline of Israel – from the chalky limestone vertical cliffs of Rosh Hanikra on the border with Lebanon to the white sandy beaches of Erez that border the Gaza Strip – are exposed to winds and surface sea current systems and heavy traffic of oil tankers in the eastern part of the Mediterranean. These create a constant threat of a serious oil pollution incident, he said.

Tar has stained nearly 160 km. of Israel’s coastline, devastating nature and wildlife: “There are still tar remnants from the 2021 disaster on some beaches that was called the spill one of the most serious ecological disasters in the country’s history.” 

Israeli environmental protection agencies admitted then that the government was underfunded to deal with such disasters, and that there was not adequate legislation in place to prevent such a disaster in the future.

Nitrogen and phosphorus are added to the aerogel, which is hydrophobic and made from cellular fibers with a large amount of surface area, Kushmaro explained.

“When placed on water, it floats on the surface, which causes oil to clump together. It takes between two and three weeks for the oil to disappear. If the oil spill is in the middle of the sea, it can be dropped from a plane. The cellular material itself is biodegradable. We don’t believe that waves, currents, and changing temperatures would interfere with the cleanup,” he said.

It’s unfortunate that the aerogel had not yet been invented to cope with the 2021 catastrophe. 

“Even now, it will take a few years. It worked in the lab. Now a company has to be established to test it in the sea and produce the material. We have a world patent on it. Shell, the global British multinational energy and petrochemical company, has already contacted us to ask for information about it,” he continued.

“The Environmental Protection Ministry knows about it, but it’s completely new, and we need regulation.”

“We dream about the possibility that every ship will have the aerogel on board, so that if it causes an oil spill, it can immediately break it down. They can immediately cause it to disintegrate before it causes damage,” Kushmaro said. 

Asked what experiment he and his team would most like to do next that they couldn’t accomplish in their lab study, he said: “We would want to do it in a polluted marina. There is oil in all the ports.”

This post was originally published on here. 

Men may want to blame biology for their stride, but a new study shows just how literal that excuse is. Researchers at Tel Aviv University (TAU) have discovered that the modern human male pelvis underwent a dramatic evolutionary rewrite, leaving men with a unique hip geometry, while Neanderthals and modern women share an older, ancestral blueprint.

In fact, the modern human male pelvis underwent a dramatic evolutionary rewrite. Prof. Yoel Rak of the anatomy and anthropology department led the team that included researchers from Spain, Haifa’s Technion-Israel Institute of Technology, Ramat Gan’s Bar-Ilan University, and Ono Academic College.

They compared two nearly complete male Neanderthal pelvises – one from Israel’s limestone Kebara Cave situated 60 to 65 meters above sea level on the western escarpment of the Carmel Range in the Ramat Hanadiv preserve of Zichron Ya’acov, and the other from the Sima de los Huesos site in Spain – with dozens of modern human pelvises.

Surprisingly, despite their large size and robust construction, the team said the Neanderthal pelvises resembled those of modern human females in most measurements and proportions rather than those of modern human males.

The team members published their findings in the prestigious Scientific Reports of the Nature group under the title “Neandertal pelvis reveals specialized walking apparatus in human males.”

(Neanderthal spelling with a “th” is derived from “thal,” the old 19th-century German word for “valley.” Neandertal uses the modern German spelling after the 1901 spelling reform. Scientists, style guides, and dictionaries now accept or prefer this simpler spelling.)

“Many of the differences between the Neandertal male pelvis and that of the Homo sapiens male seem to stem from the unusual anterior position of the acetabula (hip joints) in H. sapiens males and the subsequent increase in the horizontal anteroposterior distance between the joint and the line of gravity,” the team wrote.

“We suggest that the forward migration of the hip joints transforms the modern human male pelvis into a shock-absorbing device that cushions the drop of the center of mass with every step and, at the same time, stores potential energy in the flexor muscles of the thigh, causing the pelvis to bounce back. 

“Thus, the male hip joints shifted forward to create a unique, built-in ‘spring’ mechanism, transforming the male stride into a highly efficient, energy-storing machine built for long-distance walking.”

The team challenged a decades-old anthropological assumption by revealing that the modern human male pelvis, rather than that of the Neanderthal, is the true evolutionary innovation. They found that Neanderthals and modern human females actually share an ancestral pelvic configuration. 

In contrast, the modern male pelvis evolved a distinct geometry that positions the hip joints farther forward.

They noted that the Neanderthal pelvis has long been regarded as an anatomically unusual structure that demanded a functional explanation of its own, but the new findings require a new look at Neanderthal pelvises.

The ancestral configuration may have been kept in Neanderthals and in modern human females while the modern human male pelvis underwent substantial evolutionary modification, giving rise to a distinctive anatomical configuration.

Rak explained in an interview with The Jerusalem Post that during every step of bipedal walking, the body’s center of mass drops downward. This drop traumatizes the joints and requires energy to raise the body again in preparation for the next step.

According to their new model, the distinctive geometry of the male pelvis makes it possible for the thigh muscles to cushion the drop of the body’s center of mass, store potential energy during the step, and then release that energy immediately afterward – effectively “springing” the body upward into the next step.

A natural mechanism that acts as a shock absorber, stores energy, and releases the energy with every step, potentially facilitating long-distance walking in modern human males.

The researchers reached a surprising conclusion: the unusual structure of the pelvis may not be that of the Neanderthal, as has been assumed for decades, but rather that of the modern human male. It reduced energy expenditure, improved walking efficiency, and thereby provided a significant advantage during long-distance travel on foot.

Modern human females show the full range of these modifications. According to the researchers, the constraints imposed by childbirth require a relatively shallow pelvis and a sufficiently wide birth canal. As a result, the female pelvis remains closer to the ancestral configuration – the same general configuration found in male Neanderthals.

Rak stressed that the study’s findings changed how we understand the evolution of the human pelvis. It is not the Neanderthal pelvis that is the anomaly requiring explanation; rather, it is the pelvis of the modern human male.

The researchers note that the study presents a new biomechanical model that may explain a substantial part of the human pelvis’s sexual dimorphism – the anatomical differences between females and males.

Unrecognized structures in human macroscopic anatomy

The research also shows that even in human macroscopic anatomy – the study of the body’s large structures and organs that you can see with the naked eye – which is a field that might appear to have been thoroughly explored, there is still potential to uncover previously unrecognized structures, geometries, and mechanisms of biological significance.

In prehistory, said Rak, “males were hunter-gatherers and walked more than females to find food. Females may also have hunted and collected food, but they did this closer to home and walked shorter distances. If females had adopted the male model, it would have been hard for them to give birth.”

He met “contemporary indigenous Ethiopians who came to see us from 40 kilometers away, and then returned home another 40 kilometers in a single day,” Rak recalled.

Asked about the differences between the bone structure of Neanderthals, who lived primarily in Europe and western Asia, and Denisovans – who roamed mostly across continental and eastern Asia, with fossil and DNA evidence stretching down to Southeast Asia and Oceania, Rak said these were two distinct, extinct groups of archaic humans that branched from a common ancestor around 400,000 years ago. 

“But little is known about the skeletons of Denisovans, because the only evidence of their existence was part of a tiny female pinkie finger bone excavated in 2009 in Denisova Cave in the Altai Mountains of Siberia dating back between 50,000 and 80,000 years ago,” he said.

Neanderthals had longer pregnancies than modern females: “Only small hints about the female Neanderthal pelvis exist, and we don’t have a whole one. We can know from the DNA if the skeleton is male or female. We know about modern human skeletons because we have them in museum collections and in medical schools,” he explained.

The team investigated walking and not running, because from anatomy and evolution of humans, they ran only if a large and hungry animal chased them; they would have been the prey. If they wanted to kill an animal, they waited until it stopped, walked slowly, and surprised it.”

Homo sapiens ultimately expanded successfully across large geographic distances, while Neanderthals, whose pelvis was biologically primitive and not developed, did not. 

“The skull was different, and they had an advantage in the surroundings where they were raised. But when their home changed, they had a problem. We don’t know if Homo sapiens killed Neanderthals, but they competed in the same environment. They lived together in the same area for 5,000 years,” Rak said.

Prof. Ella Been of Ono Academic College, a co-author of the study, added: “This study shows that questions about human evolution are not confined to the distant past. Understanding the evolution of our walking mechanism can contribute to contemporary research in biomechanics, musculoskeletal medicine, rehabilitation, and injury prevention. The perspective provided by the Neanderthals helps us better understand the modern human body.”

Asked why their research is important, Rak concluded: “Some say the subject has been exhausted, that there is nothing more to discover, but our discovery is new. 

“Looking at the biomechanics, it can explain a lot of things about back pain today. It’s important to walk with a straight back, like a clock pendulum. The same shock-absorbing mechanism could have consequences on joints and osteoarthritis, the design of prosthetic hips, rehabilitation programs, and analyzing walking and standing by today’s males and females.”

This post was originally published on here. 

The funerary chapels of an ancient Egyptian judge and scribe were recently discovered at the Mariette Cemetery site located north of the village of Saqqara, Egypt’s Tourism and Antiquities Ministry announced earlier this month. 

It was discovered by a joint Egyptian-Spanish archaeological mission and dates back to the reign of Pharoah Djedkare Isesi during the Fifth Dynasty (between the late 25th century to mid- 24th century BCE).

The mission operates as part of a joint scientific project between the Autonomous University of Barcelona in Spain and Egypt’s Supreme Council of Antiquities.

The two chapels were discovered within a medium-sized mastaba-style tomb at the site. 

While the tomb itself had been previously known, discovered by French archaeologist Auguste Mariette in the nineteenth century, Secretary-General of the Supreme Council of Antiquities Dr. Hisham El-Leithy explained that the chapels found within it were not.

Both father, son served in judiciary positions

The main chapel, located on the north side of the tomb, belongs to a man named Yunmin, who held several high-ranking judicial positions, including that of a judge, court director, and chief scribe responsible for reviewing petitions and complaints.

Dr. Cervelló Autuori, who leads the mission on behalf the Autonomous University of Barcelona, added that the mission found a distinctive architectural facade bearing funerary texts and an offering formula within the chapel, alongside the official name of the tomb’s owner.

The chapel’s walls were also found to be decorated with high-quality reliefs depicting a number of agricultural activities and processions carrying offerings to the tomb, added Autuori. 

Many of these scenes retained their original colors, he said. 

The second chapel, located on the southern side of the tomb, belongs to Yunmin’s father, a man named Iti, who held various scribal positions connected to the administration of agricultural land and offerings.

Autuori noted that Iti’s chapel contains a false door and colored wall decorations depicting scenes of offering presentation, though explained that many of these decorations have also been lost.

False doors served in ancient Egyptian belief as a threshold between life and death, where deity or spirit of the dead could cross back and forth. They are usually carved or painted along the west wall of a tomb’s funerary chapel, in line with the ancient association of the west with the land of the dead.

Leithy stressed the importance of the discovery, as it adds new archaeological information about the Saqqara necropolis during the late Fifth Dynasty. 

He added that the find sheds light on the tombs’ architectural and artistic styles, as well as on the administrative posts held by senior state officials at the time.

Remains of tomb, false door of ancient royal chamberlain at Saqqara

In a separate statement from earlier this month, Egypt’s Tourism and Antiquities Ministry announced that the tomb of an ancient Egyptian royal chamberlain was discovered in Sector A of the Bubasteum necropolis in Saqqara during its first excavation season.

The necropolis, located on the desert boundary of Saqqara, is part of a Ptolemaic and Roman temple complex dedicated to the ancient Egyptian deity Bastet (Bast), the goddess of cats. Excavations of the site revealed the remains of an Old Kingdom tomb’s funerary chapel, as well as the tomb’s false door still in its original position.

In front of the false door, archaeologists uncovered a complete set of alabaster funerary tools, including an offering table and disc, a purification basin, a jug, and a basin. 

Both the false door and several of the tools bear hieroglyphic inscriptions of the tomb owner’s name, Sekhentiu-Ptah, and their titles as one who served in a prominent administrative position.

The titles include Royal Chamberlain, Overseer of All the King’s Works, Overseer of Royal Documents, Keeper of the Secrets of Royal Commands, Priest of the goddess Maat (ancient Egyptian deity of truth and balance), and Overseer of Scribes.

This post was originally published on here. 

The lieutenant governor of Texas says his recent call for the state’s public schools to remove “over 2,000 titles” of “dirty, filthy and vulgar books” was not meant to include books about the Holocaust.

Dan Patrick’s statement, provided exclusively to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency on Friday, comes after a month of confusion following a press conference in which he and a conservative Christian activist threatened schools with potential loss of state funding if they did not comply with his directive to purge their libraries. 

“I believe Texas students must learn about the Holocaust, and that includes reading books such as ‘Night’ by Elie Wiesel, ‘The Diary of Anne Frank,’ and other books about the Holocaust,” Patrick told JTA, singling out two books on the removal list he had promoted – one of which, “Night,” that he previously explicitly called for removal from middle schools. 

Patrick added that his initiative was “focused on age-inappropriate, sexually explicit books in public school libraries across Texas.” At his earlier press conference, he had directed viewers to an online list compiled by an activist group that features several books about the Holocaust and Jewish identity.

Patrick’s threats have teeth. In Texas, lieutenant governors are more powerful than in many other states, playing central roles in shaping the budget and determining the legislative agenda.

Patrick also appeared to walk back some of the harsher proclamations from his August 19 press conference, at which the Republican had stated, “We’re coming for the books.” 

“As the law states, local communities have the right to make their own decisions about their public school libraries,” he told JTA Friday.

Patrick appears with activist group against ‘harmful’ books

The lieutenant governor, who is up for reelection this fall, appeared at the conference with Bonnie Wallace, the head of the activist group Recover America, and told viewers to “go to RecoverAmerica.com.” That group has circulated a list of more than 2,100 “Harmful Books in Libraries.” Its list, which it describes as “books with harmful, sexually explicit, and vulgar content,” includes more than a dozen titles of particular import to Jewish readers. 

Recover America’s flagged books include both volumes of Art Spiegelman’s “Maus,” a comic-book adaptation of Frank’s diary and Bernard Malamud’s novel of a blood libel “The Fixer” – all books that have been removed from school districts in Texas and other states in the past amid broader conservative-led library culture wars. In some cases those books were restored to the districts following public outcry, but spurred deeper dialogue about the state of Holocaust education and antisemitism awareness in public schools.

Patrick’s latest push would go much further than a handful of districts, affecting the more than 5.5 million students in public schools across the state.

One book of particular contention on Recover America’s list was “Night,” Elie Wiesel’s bestselling memoir of surviving Auschwitz and Buchenwald, which has been taught in schools for decades. After a Houston Chronicle story noted the book’s inclusion on the Recover America “harmful” list, Patrick initially doubled down on “Night,” saying that it was not appropriate for middle schools owing to its “violence.” 

“If ‘Night,’ by Elie Wiesel, were made into a movie, it would likely be rated R,” Patrick wrote on X/Twitter on August 26. “‘Night,’ which includes depictions of graphic violence and the machine-gunning of babies, should not be available to sixth graders in middle-school libraries. High school is more age-appropriate.”

Yet another swing and a miss by the Houston Chronicle. Instead of focusing on the real story — sexually explicit books in public school libraries across the state — the Chronicle has selected a single book to deflect from the important point I made.

I do not have a book list,…

— Dan Patrick (@DanPatrick) August 26, 2026

His tweet appeared to contradict the state’s own K-12 required reading list, passed this summer, which mandates that “Night” be taught in the eighth grade beginning in 2030. 

Now, in response to questions from JTA, the lieutenant governor said he would defer to the Texas State Board of Education on the appropriate grade to teach “Night.” 

“The State Board of Education decides the appropriate grade level for books and will determine whether ‘Night,’ by Elie Wiesel, is at the appropriate grade level,” Patrick told JTA in his statement. 

He continued to insist that books in schools should be held to “FCC standards,” referring to the Federal Communications Commission, an agency that governs broadcasting content and does not regulate publishing.

The head of the Texas Holocaust, Genocide and Antisemitism Advisory Commission, a governor-appointed panel which advised the state on the inclusion of “Night” and other Holocaust texts on its required reading list, did not return a JTA request for comment. 

In a statement, the Texas Educational Authority, which drafted the required-reading list, told JTA, “When Texas students learn about the Holocaust, they will be exposed to the horrors of the Holocaust. That is why the SBOE placed the book in 8th Grade to ensure age appropriateness for students.”

Librarians challenge book removal threats

At the Emmys this week, when “The Librarians,” a documentary about librarians facing book removal threats, won an award, retired Texas librarian Carolyn Foote joined the producers on the stage and held up a copy of “Night” in protest.

“I felt like it was very symbolic to bring ‘Night,’” Foote, a subject of the film and a co-founder of the librarian activist group FReadom Fighters, told JTA. “Having read it, I just know the importance of not forgetting our past. And that’s part of Elie Wiesel’s whole legacy, is remembrance, and so it just felt very important for me to carry that book, coming from Texas.” Another librarian onstage for the win held up “Anne Frank’s Diary: The Graphic Adaptation.”

Elisha Wiesel, Elie’s son and chair of the Elie Wiesel Foundation, told JTA that “Texas deserves credit for recognizing that Holocaust education belongs in the eighth-grade curriculum.” Yet, the younger Wiesel suggested, Patrick’s concerns about the book’s violence were misplaced.

“‘Night’ contains violence because the Holocaust was violent; its purpose is not to shock young people, but to help them understand where hatred and indifference can lead,” he wrote in an email. “With context and guidance, students should not be shielded from this history. They should be equipped to confront it.”

Despite having directed viewers to Recover America’s book list during his press conference, Patrick’s new statement to JTA said, “I do not have a book list.” He pointed instead to a law passed in the state legislature in 2025 regulating school books that he said districts were required to follow. 

Yet some districts in the state have removed every book on Recover America’s list from their own libraries out of fear of losing funding, Foote told JTA. While the list nominally contains a ratings system, many of the books do not have a rating.

Other books about Judaism, Holocaust placed on list of ‘harmful books’

Besides “Night,” “Maus,” “Anne Frank’s Diary” and “The Fixer,” other books about Judaism and the Holocaust on Recover America’s list of “Harmful Books” include:

“Annexed,” a young-adult novel about Peter van Pels, who hid in the Amsterdam annex with Anne Frank

“The Berlin Boxing Club,” a young-adult historical novel based on German boxer Max Schmeling, who helped young Jews during Hitler’s rise to power

“Black, White and Jewish,” a memoir by Rebecca Walker, the mixed-race Jewish daughter of author Alice Walker

“Caste: The Origins of our Discontents,” a nonfiction book analyzing the “caste systems” of Nazi Germany. “Caste” had been included on an earlier, Wallace-spearheaded list of books for removal from a Texas public library in a case that the US Supreme Court declined to hear in 2025, allowing the removals to proceed.

“Kasher in the Rye,” a memoir by Jewish comedian Moshe Kasher 

“Pride: the story of Harvey Milk and the Rainbow Flag,” a children’s picture-book biography of the pioneering Jewish LGBTQ legislator

“Sophie’s Choice,” the bestselling Holocaust novel for adults

“The Violin Maker’s Daughter,” a historical novel about a Jewish family of musicians during the Holocaust

“White Bird,” a young-reader graphic novel about a Jewish girl in Nazi-occupied France

In response to JTA sharing a list of the above books, Patrick’s statement mentioned only “Night” and Anne Frank by name. The Recover America list is largely made up of romance and fantasy novels, many with an LGBTQ element, while also including classics such as “The Glass Menagerie” and “Cat’s Cradle” and some picture books for children.

Recover America did not immediately return a JTA request for comment Friday on Patrick’s new statement. Wallace, the group’s leader who has also appeared on Patrick’s podcast, previously told the Houston Chronicle that she had “thought long and hard” about including “Night” on her list. 

She ultimately did so, she said, because “an eighth-grade student is 13 years old. Do they need to read about soldiers massacring, throwing up babies, and killing them with machine guns?”

She added, “It’s not to say this doesn’t happen in life. And the Holocaust was maybe the worst tragedy in the history of the world.”

For Cameron Samuels, a Jewish alum of Texas public schools and founder of the activist group Students Engaged in Advancing Texas, such efforts do not help Jewish students.

“Non-Jewish people are deciding for us what’s best, and making this public policy,” Samuels said. “We can’t readily access these books and stories. And that makes students feel alone. It also means that our classroom peers are not learning authentic Jewish narratives.”

This post was originally published on here. 

FBI Director Kash Patel temporarily halted some cooperation with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, its Canadian counterpart, following an announcement by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) reminding journalists not to refer to the 9/11 attacks as “terrorism” without attribution to experts, the New York Times revealed in a report on Friday, citing multiple officials. 

The move, although it was short-lived and did not involve every element of cooperation between the organizations, risked disrupting operations and the FBI’s relationship with Canada’s national law enforcement agency, according to the NYT. 

The FBI works closely with the Canadian bureau on a wide range of issues, including terrorism and cybersecurity cases, the report added. 

The move comes amid already tense relations between the US and Canada as US President Donald Trump and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney continue to battle it out in a tariff war that has dragged on for nearly a year and a half.

US allies have long been concerned that the Trump administration would cut off intelligence or law enforcement sharing with Canada, according to the report, as the US President continues to double down on his verbal attacks against his neighboring counterparts. 

CBC reverses stance following criticism

The CBC is the country’s public broadcaster and editorially independent from the Canadian government, according to the NYT. The broadcaster reversed its stance and issued updated guidance in August after facing widespread criticism, saying that the term “terrorism” could in fact be used without the need for attribution. 

Canadian Culture Minister Marc Miller said that CBC’s updated guidance brought a “welcome change to what was a piece of pedantic and foolish guidance that caused legitimate anger,” according to the report. 

The country’s government officials have traditionally described the attack as terrorism in their communications, the NYT said, adding that 24 Canadians died in the attacks. 

Many major news organizations have similar policies for breaking news events, but not for historically established terror attacks, it added. 

Citing sources with knowledge of the matter, NYT’s report said that FBI officials canceled meetings with their Canadian counterparts during the pause. 

An FBI spokesman and a White House spokeswoman did not respond to the NYT’s questions about whether the administration knew about the pause in cooperation. 

The mounted police responded to the FBI’s decision, saying, “We value our relationship with our US counterparts, as we work closely to respond to threats to national security and maintain situational awareness of emerging risks.” 

Patel threatens Canada

Patel threatened Canada in several social media posts in late August, according to the report, in which he highlighted CBC News’ guidance on how to describe the terror attacks ahead of the date’s anniversary.

The memo sent to the broadcaster’s staff members highlighted its policy of attributing the description of “terrorism” to an expert of authority, according the NYT.

“Any agency in Canada that doesn’t publicly reject this bastardization of history, and an insult to the souls lost during our largest terrorist attack in US history, will no longer have friends in this FBI… Not to mention our heroes that responded in the aftermath,” Patel wrote in a post on X/Twitter. 

“WE WILL NEVER FORGET 9-11,” he added. 

Any agency in Canada that doesn’t publicly reject this bastardization of history, and an insult to the souls lost during our largest terrorist attack in US history will no longer have friend in this FBI… Not to mention our heroes that responded in the aftermath 🇺🇸

WE WILL NEVER…

— FBI Director Kash Patel (@FBIDirectorKash) August 28, 2026

How long the pause in cooperation lasted is unclear, said the report, citing sources with knowledge of the matter. However, it appears to have ended around the 25th anniversary of the September 11 attacks. According to one of the sources, the US had sought some sort of apology, although information as to whether one was issued remains unavailable. 

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Saudi civil defense sent an all-clear on Saturday after issuing alerts for a second time for potential danger in Riyadh and the city of Al-Kharj east of the capital, amid an uptick in attacks by Iran-backed Houthis on the Gulf country.

The alerts were the first for the capital since Houthis in neighboring Yemen intensified their attacks on Saudi Arabia.

A Reuters journalist heard two booms in Riyadh’s Olaya area.

The alerts come hours after the Houthis’ military spokesperson said the group had foiled unspecified “criminal attempts” in the Yemeni capital Sanaa, blaming Saudi Arabia and vowing a response.

There was no immediate comment from the Saudi government’s media office on the Houthis’ statement.

Iran-backed Houthis seized Yemeni Red Sea ports

The Houthis, who ⁠control ​the most populous parts of Yemen and much of the north, ​have been launching attacks towards Saudi Arabia since declaring a naval blockade against Riyadh in July, with strikes targeting Saudi vessels in the Red ​Sea.

The Iran-backed terrorist group, which seized Yemen’s entire Red Sea coast in a lightning advance this month, says the Saudi Air Force has conducted hundreds of airstrikes ​in recent days.

The UN Security Council in a statement on Friday “condemned in the strongest terms continued Houthi attacks against the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, including attacks impacting civilian and energy infrastructure, which have resulted in the injury of civilians, including women and children.”

In the statement, the Security Council also condemned “Houthi military escalation in Yemen.”

This post was originally published on here. 

Themes of guilt, redemption, sin, and atonement run through Israeli movies, many of which take their inspiration from Jewish life and Jewish religious texts and thought.

The theme of atonement is so ingrained in the Jewish/Israeli psyche that even comedies deal with it. A popular 2019 comedy is actually called Forgiveness, and tells the story of two friends (Guy Amir and Hanan Savyon) who get caught in a robbery; one flees while the other goes to prison. The guy who got away spends the years his buddy is incarcerated becoming religious, and when the friend is released, the newly pious robber tries to make amends.

The classic 1964 comedy about a Mizrahi immigrant, Sallah Shabati, by Ephraim Kishon, features a scene where the hero, played by Chaim Topol, rails against God for all his family’s suffering in their new land. It’s a cry for the Almighty to atone for his treatment of Sallah and his family, and is one of the most heartbreaking scenes in all of Israeli cinema.

Israeli filmmakers explore personal atonement

Certain directors have explored atonement deeply throughout their careers, and the director whose work comes to mind most readily is Avi Nesher. Although he burst onto the movie scene in Israel with two mostly comic films he made when he was in his early 20s, The Troupe and Dizengoff 99, with time, he has taken on more serious stories, although his films always mix comedy and tragedy.

His upcoming movie, Our Loves, to be released on October 15 in Israel and which will open the Haifa International Film Festival, has a central plot line about a father trying to redeem himself for abandoning his family. Shabi (Shalom Michaelshwilli) is a tough retired general, and his young adult daughter, Liri (Noa Cohen), adored him as a child, but now shuns him.

On October 6, 2023, he has a court date to try to force his ex-wife to sell the family home and move out, which upsets both his children. The following morning, their lives are turned upside down by the Hamas-led mega-attacks. Liri lives on a kibbutz near the Gaza border that is overrun by terrorists.

Shabi knows that only he can save her. He grabs a weapon and heads south, determined to rescue her, and along the way, he picks up four hopelessly incompetent but brave new recruits. The crisis brings him a chance for redemption.

What makes this storyline particularly interesting is that during that day, he must listen to others and make dozens of life-or-death decisions, and his atonement comes from learning to truly value other people, not simply his own bravery.

This echoes themes from Nesher’s other movies. The Other Story (2018) is also about a complex father-daughter relationship: a father (Yuval Segal) abandoned his daughter (Joy Rieger), moving to America to advance his career. He returns to Israel and tries to make amends when his daughter becomes haredi and plans to marry a man with a history of drug addiction.

His movie The Secrets is a 2007 film about an ultra-Orthodox girl (Ania Bukstein) who helps an older French woman (Fanny Ardant) who has committed a murder. The murderer is kind and treats the ultra-Orthodox girl like a daughter, and the story blurs all conventional thinking about guilt and innocence as the religious girl turns to kabbalah to purify the criminal seeking to atone for her crime.

In his 2016 movie – called Past Life in English but in Hebrew is actually known as Hahata’im, which translates as “the sins” – two sisters (Rieger and Nelly Tagar) travel to Poland to try to understand what their intimidating father did during the Holocaust, and end up seeing him in a new, complex light.

His 2010 movie, The Matchmaker, is about a boy who yearns to understand what his survivor father experienced during the war. The boy starts working for another Holocaust survivor (Adir Miller), a matchmaker, who seeks atonement by helping people find love.

From personal guilt to national atonement

WHILE NESHER’S films deal with personal atonement, other Israeli filmmakers have focused on political or national atonement. Ari Folman’s Waltz with Bashir, an innovative, animated documentary from 2008, is about how Folman cannot remember fighting in the First Lebanon War when, in 1982, Christian militias massacred Palestinians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps. He goes on a quest to get his memories back by talking to other veterans, who are coping in different ways with their guilt over not preventing the massacre.

Eytan Fox’s 2004 Walk on Water tells the story of a Mossad agent who feels guilt over his wife’s suicide and by the actions he has taken in the line of duty. He eventually atones by opening up to a gay German man he is assigned to shadow, the grandson of a Nazi. Both the young German and the Mossad agent struggle with their feelings of guilt.

Samuel Maoz’s 2017 feature, Foxtrot, a controversial film, is about a group of nervous soldiers at an IDF outpost who accidentally kill a car full of unarmed Palestinians. They bury them in their car and hide all traces of the killing. The central character is the father (Lior Ashkenazi) of one of the soldiers, who is mistakenly told that his son has been killed in the line of duty, and then is informed that this was a mistake.

Ultimately, he does lose his son, which, in the moral compass of the film, is seen as a kind of punishment for the son’s actions, and the father tries to atone for sending his son off to the army. Two recent films have reiterated this theme of parental guilt over sending their children to war – Netalie Braun’s Oxygen and Eyal Halfon’s A Burning Man.

In most of the movies by Nadav Lapid, Israel’s most celebrated director abroad, his heroes fight the self-loathing linked to Israel’s rule over Palestinians. This is most notably the case in Synonyms, his movie that won the Golden Bear at the Berlin International Film Festival in 2019. It centers on an Israeli in Paris who moves into an empty building and seems to be punishing himself by isolating himself and sticking to a bizarre routine.

Women directors have looked more to family and child-rearing to find stories of atonement. Ayelet Menahemi’s Seven Blessings – co-written by two of its actresses, Eleanor Sela and Reymonde Amsellem – is about a girl from a large family who was given to a childless aunt to raise, a once-common practice in Moroccan society.

She grew up confused about her identity and felt deep resentment. When the girl, now an adult, returns from Paris with her bridegroom to see her family in Israel, all the conflicts come to the surface as her mother and aunt struggle to explain and justify their actions.

In the recent film The Book of Ruth by Esty Shushan, a haredi man accidentally causes the death of his child, and tries to atone by being ever more pious, while his wife struggles to forgive him and finds herself becoming more independent and less strictly observant.

It’s a theme that Israeli filmmakers are likely to keep exploring in the coming years, particularly as more stories about October 7, 2023, come to light.

This post was originally published on here. 

South Korea reaffirmed its willingness to make a substantive contribution to restoring free passage through the Middle East’s Strait of Hormuz, one of a number of issues discussed by Korean Foreign Minister Cho Hyun during Friday talks in Washington with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, the ministry said on Saturday.

South Korean President Lee Jae Myung, who is due in the United States next week for the UN General Assembly, said on Friday he would not deploy military assets to the Middle East in a way that could draw the country into conflict.

However, he said Seoul was reviewing whether to play a greater role in safeguarding navigation in the region.

US President Donald Trump has criticized Seoul in recent weeks over what he described as a lack of South Korean support for US efforts to pressure Iran. The two countries have also yet to finalize agreements governing $350 billion in South Korean investments pledged under a trade deal reached last year.

Cho explained to Rubio Seoul’s willingness to make a substantive contribution to restoring freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, the ministry said in a statement without elaborating.

Korean investments to ‘bear good fruit’

On Seoul’s investment commitments, Rubio stressed their swift execution, the State Department said, while South Korea’s foreign ministry said Rubio and Cho agreed to keep communicating to ensure ongoing consultation plans “bear good fruit.”

Rubio and Cho also pledged ongoing collaboration across key strategic sectors including semiconductors, the State Department said, while Rubio underscored the need for a fair and transparent business environment for US companies in South Korea.

Cho said before leaving Seoul on Thursday that investment plans under its trade deal had been delayed while procedural issues were clarified, without elaborating.

Lee told a news conference on Friday that concerns over the commercial viability of the package had become a sticking point in negotiations, although the two sides were nearing an agreement.

He said some elements of the package were difficult for Seoul to accept, but the government would continue discussions to ensure any deal protects South Korea’s interests while benefiting both countries and the broader US-South Korea relationship.

Seoul committed last year to invest in US manufacturing in return for lowering tariffs on imports from South Korea to 15%.

Lee said Seoul had insisted on including a reference to “commercially reasonable” investments in the text of the agreement.

Rubio, Cho discussed North Korea

North Korea also featured in the talks, amid speculation over a possible summit between Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.

Rubio and Cho reaffirmed their commitment to the complete denuclearization of North Korea, the State Department said, while Cho said Seoul would actively support the resumption of talks between Washington and Pyongyang, according to the ministry.

President Lee said on Friday it was possible for a summit meeting between Kim and Trump to take place in the coming months, but it remained uncertain.

This post was originally published on here. 

Turkey’s BDDK banking watchdog revoked the operating license of Iranian lender Mellat Bank’s branch in Istanbul, according to a notice published in the Official Gazette on Saturday, as the US presses other countries to increase economic pressure on Tehran.

“It has been decided to revoke the operating license of Bank Mellat, Head Office in Tehran, Istanbul Turkey Central Branch,” the notice said, without citing the US measures or any operational issues.

It said the decision was taken under a clause of Turkey’s banking law, which allows a bank’s license to be revoked or withdrawn if its continued operation is deemed to pose a risk to depositors’ rights or the security and stability of the financial system.

Earlier this month, the US Treasury Department imposed sanctions on a small Turkish investment bank and two subsidiaries. The Treasury also said Turkey and Oman had decided to stop flights by Iranian airline Mahan Air to their countries as a result of discussions held with both countries on complying with US measures against Iran.

This is a developing story.

This post was originally published on here. 

US President Donald Trump on Friday signed into law the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026, named after the late senator, expanding the statutory framework for sanctions, tariffs, and other restrictions targeting Russia while extending existing sanctions on Iran. 

According to the White House, the new law authorizes and expands economic measures against Moscow, including statutory sanctions and tariff authorities.

The administration had previously said the legislation would strengthen the president’s ability to pressure Russia toward a negotiated end to the war in Ukraine and would extend the Iran Sanctions Act for five years. 

Trump’s signature follows Congress vote on sanctions

Trump’s signature turns the measure approved by Congress into binding law. The White House did not specify in its brief announcement which elements of the sanctions package would be implemented immediately.

The bill passed on Wednesday, with a vote of 262 to 259 in Congress after having passed the Senate in August.

The sanctions aim to target Russia’s energy and defense industries, as well as its “shadow fleet” of tankers that evade existing sanctions, in order to deprive Moscow of revenues to finance its ongoing war against Ukraine.

It would also place sanctions on Russian President Vladimir Putin, several senior Kremlin officials, Russian financial institutions, and state-owned companies.

It would allow Trump to impose tariffs of up to 100% on buyers of Russian energy, such as China or India, in order to reduce their dependence on Russian oil and gas.

This post was originally published on here. 

An intelligence report disclosing that a Chinese ship in the Middle East was transporting components of a nuclear weapons program immediately set off alarm bells across the US military before it was determined that the intelligence was false, a Friday CNN report revealed. 

The US military immediately made plans to intercept the vessel, CNN said, citing four sources familiar with the matter. Two of the sources said that armed members of the US military were planning to board the ship, and military planes were in the air as well, according to the two other sources. 

Before the planned operation, however, a special operations command analyst found that the report had been generated with artificial intelligence. A chatbot used by the analyst had inaccurately identified the material in the ship, according to CNN. 

CNN said the news outlet was unable to learn what the cargo actually was. 

The report was “entirely false,” CNN cited one of the sources as saying, but “almost started a war,” as a US operation against a Chinese ship would have potentially sparked an armed conflict between the two countries. 

The incident occurred as US President Donald Trump awaits Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to Washington on September 24. 

The leaders are expected to discuss the use of artificial intelligence as experts urge both governments to consider rising concerns tied to its increased usage.

Officials in the US military and intelligence community are pushing to integrate AI into “nearly every facet of their work,” said CNN’s report, “from analyzing the huge volumes of raw intelligence the US collects and selecting targets for strikes, to more mundane applications like managing budgeting, logistics and supply chains.”

Hegseth pushes for increased AI usage

The rationale for AI’s rapid adoption is that it can facilitate and quicken battlefield decisions, like which targets to strike or which military assets to move, according to CNN. The US can’t afford to fall behind in the technology if it must one day face China or another adversary that could potentially be one step ahead, according to officials. 

US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth released an “Artificial Intelligence Acceleration Strategy” in January to speed up the military’s use of AI, CNN reported. 

“We will unleash experimentation, eliminate bureaucratic barriers, focus our investments, and demonstrate the execution approach needed to ensure we lead in military AI,” he said during a speech. 

The strategy also aims to democratize “AI experimentation and transformation across the Department by putting America’s world-leading AI models directly in the hands of our three million civilian and military personnel, at all classification levels,” CNN cited a memo announcing the strategy as saying.

The efforts, however, are decentralized, with multiple US officials claiming that different parts of the government are using different tools under different orders and safety standards, according to CNN’s report. 

The episode with the Chinese ship underscores the profound risks of using AI. Analysts have long feared that the use of this new and relatively poorly understood technology could lead to a “catastrophic miscalculation” if countries are relying on poor or corrupted data, said CNN. 

In this case, the analyst asked an AI chatbot about an intelligence report that originated from the Hawaii-based US Special Operations Command Pacific, according to CNN’s report. It wasn’t clear whether the chatbot was commercially available or a US government product. 

The bot, according to CNN, fused together open-source intelligence with secret signals intelligence in government holdings to reach the conclusion. The analyst then used AI to create an intelligence report for military officials.

US military’s AI is ‘commercial stuff wearing lipstick,’ official says

A former senior US official said that the US military and intelligence analysts’ internal tools are “mostly just copies of the commercial stuff wearing lipstick,” according to CNN. 

Another source said that “AI in targeting is definitely something that is ramping up and there is no real guidance for how having a human in the loop will prevent civilian casualties or fratricide, the report added. 

The chatbot’s “hallucination” was not an isolated incident across the intelligence community since these tools began proliferating across government, according to one of CNN’s sources. 

The report added that the rapid implementation of AI has increased pressure on analysts to “produce and disseminate intelligence faster, opening the door for mistakes.” And young analysts are more likely to trust chatbots “uncritically.”

“AI allows you to get to a bad idea faster,” one of the sources said.

US Special Operations Command Pacific and the Pentagon did not respond to CNN’s request for comment. 

This post was originally published on here. 

As a nine-year-old, I stewed restlessly for long hours in the back of our car with my brothers as my family went on an epic camping trip across Europe. One of our stops was in Prague, and I still remember being shown a staircase with a closed attic door at the top, and being told it was where the Maharal of Prague created his golem – or perhaps even that the golem itself was still sitting up there. Either way, it was a dramatic moment for a child. 

The golem is a particularly Jewish monster, a kind of terracotta cousin of Frankenstein’s. In one version of the legend, the Maharal fashioned a human figure from earth and brought it to life by inscribing the Hebrew word emet, truth, on its forehead. To deactivate it, one would remove the letter aleph, leaving met, dead. 

So, if you had the chance to meet a golem, would you take it? Well, now is your chance not only to meet one but to be one, courtesy of Engolement. In this venture, whose title is a made-up word expressing the idea of becoming a golem, Theater and Theology continues its collaborations with other vibrant Jerusalem theater companies. This time it is Theater in the Rough, which is mostly known for its annual summer Shakespeare in the Park productions – this year’s was The Tempest – but has also staged original performances over the years. 

‘Part game, part improvisation, and part theater’

Engolement is not theater in the conventional sense. It is a live-action role-playing game (known as a LARP), described as “part game, part improvisation, and part theater.” There are no actors and no audience. Rather, the participants are players who move, negotiate, explore, and make choices as their characters, in real time. No acting experience is necessary; only curiosity, flexibility, and an ability to be present in a make-believe world. 

Participants play a group of a dozen golems living in a shtetl among the human residents. Each golem bears a seal – a personal tablet bearing the words that brought it to life, which are the only words it is permitted to utter throughout the game. 

Life in the shtetl has been peaceful, but now things are changing. In the face of impending threat, the shtetl residents have decided to build a defensive wall. Now the golems face a fateful decision, caught between duty to the community and the urge to discover who else they might yet become. It is this dilemma with which participants will grapple over the game’s 2.5-hour duration.

Creating games based on Jewish ideas for the public to try

THE ORIGINAL Hebrew version of Engolement was painstakingly created by Lian Yedidya, Hila Meinrath, and Natan Skop, with a setting and props involving intriguing geometrical shapes, words on laminated paper, and mysterious charts with a kabbalistic ambiance, along with charcoal illustrations by Lianna Boermeester. It was developed in collaboration with Aspamia LARP (Live Action Role Play) for the 2025 exhibition, Roll of Destiny by the Schechter Gallery in Tel Aviv, where it garnered praise and enthusiasm. 

The Tel Aviv exhibition’s goal was to create six games based on Jewish ideas for the public to try. Theater and Theology entered the picture when its director, Yael Valier, attended this LARP with her husband, Dan. 

“I walked out of there intellectually challenged and deeply moved,” she recalls, “and the first thing I said was ‘Wow, I want to produce this in Jerusalem for English speakers.’” She adds: “If you’ve never tried a LARP before, this is a great place to investigate, and Engolement will set the bar high.”

Backstory characters are voiced by Annabelle Landgarten, Howard Metz, Yael Valier, and Natan Skop, who often perform in Jerusalem’s English-speaking theater scene. 

This is a preview, and I plan to attend only after publication, so I cannot speak from personal experience. But I am already familiar with the high quality of the output of both theater companies involved, and am excited to see that quality expressed in this unusual form. 

I’ve been interested in role-playing games for a while; an NPC – non-player character – was even named after me (an apothecary fox named Scarf-in-Summer, created by my friend Sam Stern). Of particular interest to me as a Jewish educator is the potential for LARPs in Jewish clothing. I was chagrined to miss out on the Schechter games, so I am delighted to be given a second chance to experience one. 

Whether I will succeed in uncovering my inner golem remains to be seen.

What: Engolement, a live-action role-playing game.  
Who: Theater and Theology & Theater in the Rough. Created by Lian Yedidya, Hila Meinrath, and Natan Skop. 
Where: Mamuta Art & Research Center at Hansen House.
When: Sept 27 and 28.
Why: Because you always wanted to be a golem.

This post was originally published on here. 

On the way to the Western Wall for our community’s annual slihot tour, we stopped at Jerusalem’s 9/11 Living Memorial Plaza.

It is an extraordinary site. At its center rises a monumental American flag that gradually transforms into a flame. A piece of metal recovered from the ruins of the Twin Towers is embedded in its base. Around the plaza are inscribed the names of the nearly 3,000 people murdered on September 11, 2001.

One inscription particularly caught my attention: “This metal piece, like the entire monument, is a manifestation of the special relationship between New York and Jerusalem.”

Those words were presumably intended to be timeless. Yet standing before them today, they read almost like a message from another age.

A verse from Exodus came irresistibly to mind: “A new king arose over Egypt who did not know Joseph.”

Our Sages debated whether this was literally a new king or the same ruler who adopted new policies. Either way, the message is unsettlingly familiar. 

Joseph saved Egypt from famine, yet his contribution was forgotten when it became politically convenient to forget it. History had not changed; the leadership’s willingness to acknowledge that history had changed. Gratitude gave way to amnesia, and friendship to estrangement.

Largest Diaspora Jewish community

For decades, New York and Jerusalem seemed joined by far more than direct flights, diplomatic courtesies, or municipal declarations. New York was home to the largest Jewish community outside Israel. Its Jews helped shape the city’s culture, commerce, philanthropy, and public life. Support for Israel was woven into New York’s civic identity, shared by successive mayors across political and religious divides.

Following October 7, however, much of that certainty began to dissolve.

Israelis watched demonstrations in New York at which the massacre was rationalized, celebrated, or rapidly pushed aside. Jewish students faced hostility on campuses. Zionism became a term of abuse in supposedly enlightened circles. Too often, sympathy for the victims of October 7 appeared to have an extraordinarily short shelf life.

The election of Zohran Mamdani as mayor marked a dramatic political culmination of that change. Mamdani has accused Israel of genocide, declined to affirm its right to exist specifically as a Jewish state, stayed away from the city’s Israel parade, and declared that Israel’s prime minister was unwelcome in New York.

Whatever one thinks of Israel’s government or its policies, this represents a profound departure. The mayor of the city with the largest Jewish population outside Israel now speaks about the Jewish state in terms once confined to its most committed adversaries.

A new king has arisen in New York: not one unaware of the profound historical relationship between New York, its Jewish community, and Jerusalem, but one whose politics appear unwilling to accord that relationship its former significance.

The inscription at the memorial therefore carries a new poignancy. The metal sent by the City of New York remains fixed in Jerusalem stone, but the political relationship it was meant to symbolize no longer appears nearly as solid.

The monument’s flame acquires another meaning. Something precious has, at least politically, gone up in smoke.

But our journey did not end at the memorial.

From there, we continued to the Old City for slihot. Last year, after making the same pilgrimage, I wrote about the extraordinary sight that greeted us: Jerusalem’s streets filled with young Jews singing, dancing, praying, and simply enjoying one another’s company.

I came away convinced that, despite the darkness surrounding us, the future of our people was safe in their hands.

This year, the scene was even more powerful.

Hurva Square and the streets leading towards the Western Wall were heaving with people. There were young men and women, families, yeshiva students, visitors from abroad, and groups of soldiers. Some were religiously observant; others evidently were not. They wore black hats, knitted kippot, jeans, flowing skirts, and IDF uniforms. Some hurried towards the prayers, while others stood talking, laughing, singing, or eating.

Nobody was checking credentials. Nobody was asking precisely how each person defined his or her Judaism. They came because it was slihot, because this was Jerusalem, and because, in ways that are sometimes difficult to articulate, they knew that they belonged.

At the Western Wall Plaza, their voices rose together.

These were not the bowed heads of a defeated people. They were proud, confident, and unafraid. Many of the soldiers among them had spent the past three years defending the country in conditions that young people should never have to experience. They have buried friends, left studies and careers, and carried responsibilities far beyond their years. 

Yet there they stood, singing with an energy that seemed capable of lifting the stones themselves.

The contrast with the memorial could hardly have been greater.

Political alliances are precious, and we must work hard to preserve them. We should not casually dismiss the pain of seeing New York’s leadership turn so sharply against Israel. Nor should we confuse a mayor with an entire city.

New York still contains a vast, diverse, and deeply committed Jewish community, together with many non-Jewish friends of Israel. They deserve our support and solidarity, particularly when they feel increasingly isolated.

Nevertheless, history teaches us not to entrust Jewish survival to the goodwill of others, however sincere that goodwill may appear at a particular moment. Governments change. Public opinion shifts. Yesterday’s unbreakable consensus becomes today’s contested proposition. New rulers arise who do not know Joseph, or who choose not to remember him.

Jerusalem has witnessed empires far greater than any modern political movement. They made grand declarations, minted coins, and erected monuments. One after another, they disappeared. The Jewish people remained – sometimes scattered and persecuted, but still praying towards Jerusalem and still teaching their children that they would return.

Now those children and grandchildren crowd Jerusalem’s streets.

That is why the young people at the Western Wall mattered so much. They were not merely attending a religious service. Their presence was an answer to those who believe that Jews can be intimidated into abandoning their identity, shamed into surrendering their national home, or exhausted into relinquishing their future.

The relationship between New York and Jerusalem may have become strained. Political fashions may grow uglier. The flame sculpted from the American flag may now evoke not only remembrance but the burning away of old assumptions.

Yet a flame also gives light.

And the light I saw that night came from thousands of young Jewish faces in Jerusalem: singing, praying, dancing, and standing together. They were proud Jews in their own land – neither bowed nor broken, neither apologetic nor afraid.

Hopefully, one day, the friendship between New York and Jerusalem will be repaired. But whatever politicians decide, our future will not be determined in City Hall.

It is being written in the streets of Jerusalem.

Gmar Hatima Tova.

The writer is a rabbi and physician. He writes and teaches on Jewish ethics, leadership, and resilience. His work appears on rabbidrjonathanlieberman.substack.com and youtube.com. @rabbidrjonathanlieberman

This post was originally published on here. 

A meeting between US President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is not currently on the agenda during Netanyahu’s upcoming visit to the United States, a senior US official told The Jerusalem Post on Saturday, with the latest schedules placing the two leaders in New York at different times.

Netanyahu’s presence in New York is expected to be “quite limited,” the official said, noting that under the most recent schedule available to the administration, the prime minister is not due to arrive until after Trump has already left.

“The latest scheduling that I’ve seen, he will be here after the president leaves,” the official said when asked directly whether Netanyahu was seeking a meeting with Trump.

Netanyahu’s UN General Assembly address is expected later in the week, the official added, while Trump is set to arrive in New York on Monday and depart Tuesday evening.

The official declined to say whether Netanyahu or members of his team had formally requested a meeting, citing a policy against discussing requests submitted to the White House. In practical terms, however, the current schedule leaves no overlap between the two leaders’ time in the city.

The UN’s 81st General Debate runs September 22–28 at UN headquarters in New York.

Iran, Gaza at center of Trump’s UN agenda

Even without a Netanyahu meeting, Israel and the Middle East are expected to feature prominently across Trump’s UN visit.

US Ambassador to the UN Mike Waltz said Trump plans to stress in his General Assembly address that Iran must never obtain a nuclear weapon, while also highlighting what the administration views as progress under the president’s 20-point Gaza peace plan.

Iran is also expected to loom large in Trump’s multilateral meeting with leaders of the Gulf Cooperation Council. A senior US official said Tehran would be “a key topic of conversation and diplomacy” throughout the week.

The administration believes pressure on Iran continues to mount, the official said, arguing that Tehran’s leverage over the Strait of Hormuz is diminishing as alternative infrastructure and bypass routes come online, compounded by US military and economic pressure. “In one way or another,” the official said, Washington expects the Iranian regime to abandon its pursuit of a nuclear weapon.

Officials added that US sanctions against Chinese and Hong Kong entities accused of helping Iran generate revenue – including through oil-related activity – would continue.

Waltz also tied the UN gathering to Gaza, calling the annual session an unusually valuable diplomatic opportunity given the concentration of world leaders in one place.

Trump’s publicly announced Tuesday schedule includes bilateral meetings with British Prime Minister Andy Burnham and Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, a sit-down with GCC leaders, and a reception for world leaders – but no meeting with Netanyahu. AP separately reported the planned meetings with Burnham, Takaichi and the Gulf leaders.

From New York to Xi Jinping meeting

Immediately after Trump’s UN appearance, the diplomatic spotlight shifts to Washington, where the president is set to host Chinese President Xi Jinping for a three-day visit.

On Wednesday, Trump is scheduled to greet Xi and his wife at Joint Base Andrews. The following day, Trump and First Lady Melania Trump are expected to formally welcome the Chinese couple to the White House; after an arrival ceremony, the two leaders will review a military ceremony in the Rose Garden before holding bilateral talks. That evening, the president and first lady will host the Chinese delegation for a state dinner in the East Room.

On Friday, the two couples are expected to hold a private tea at the White House before visiting the National Archives to view founding US documents as the country marks its 250th anniversary.

The visit follows Trump’s meeting with Xi in China in May; Trump had previously announced Xi’s US visit for September 24.

Several of the most sensitive issues in US-China relations are expected to be on the table. A senior White House official confirmed that artificial intelligence and the current US-China trade truce will be discussed, alongside trade, AI, and rare-earth exports – all expected to feature prominently in preparatory talks between senior US and Chinese officials.

The administration also intends to press China over precursor chemicals used in fentanyl production, rare-earth supplies, and the terms under which Chinese investment can enter the United States. The White House made clear it does not intend to trade away US export controls in exchange for rare earths it believes Beijing has already committed to supply – though officials confirmed discussions have taken place over possible tariff reductions on a “narrow band” of non-sensitive, non-strategic goods.

Musk, Bezos, Altman, Cook in the same room

The state dinner’s guest list is expected to draw nearly as much attention as the summit itself.

A senior White House official said expected attendees include Jeff Bezos, Elon Musk, Google CEO Sundar Pichai, Michael Dell, Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang, OpenAI CEO Sam Altman, Citigroup CEO Jane Fraser and Apple CEO Tim Cook, alongside senior administration officials. “It’ll be a very popular and hot-ticketed event here in Washington, DC,” the official said.

Several major tech executives are indeed expected to attend, while Reuters has reported that Xi may bring a substantial Chinese business delegation of his own.

Within the span of a few days, then, Trump will pivot from Iran, Gaza and the Gulf in the corridors of the United Nations to America’s most consequential strategic rivalry – with China, trade, artificial intelligence and Iran all converging on the White House agenda.

This post was originally published on here. 

WASHINGTON — US President Donald Trump announced that the United States has reached what he described as a permanent agreement with Denmark and Greenland, granting Washington sweeping and indefinite security rights in Greenland, including the ability to expand its military presence and prevent adversaries from establishing bases, deploying forces, or making sensitive investments there.

Trump said the agreement gives the United States “permanent control over security, and all other needs, in Greenland,” while fully addressing what he described as longstanding American concerns in the strategically important territory.

“There will be NO COST to the United States!” Trump wrote in announcing the agreement.

“At my direction, we worked with representatives of Denmark and Greenland to guarantee that the United States will FOREVER have the complete ability to do what is necessary in Greenland in order to secure and defend the security of Greenland, and the United States of America,” he said.

Trump also said that under the agreement, no US adversary would be permitted to establish a base or military presence in Greenland, or make sensitive investments there, without express written American approval.

“For over 100 years, Presidents have known the strategic importance of Greenland, but NONE of them were able to do anything about it,” Trump said. “I am proud to be the President that permanently and conclusively addressed this very important situation.”

He described the arrangement as an “Infinite Life” agreement, declaring that “there is no end.”

Permanent access, bases, and overflight rights

A US State Department official provided additional details on the agreement, describing it as an unprecedented arrangement that permanently guarantees US security interests in the Arctic at no cost to the American taxpayer.

According to the official, the deal gives the United States permanent security control over Greenland and ensures that the territory will remain part of what Washington describes as the strategic defense area of North America.

The agreement explicitly guarantees the United States “the complete ability to do what it deems is necessary in Greenland in order to secure and defend the American continent,” the official said.

Those authorities include permanent access, basing and overflight rights.

The agreement also allows the US military to increase the number of bases in Greenland as necessary, according to the State Department official.

Trump said the United States would “immediately begin the process of developing a large Military presence in the appropriate part of Greenland,” adding that Washington would work with the people of Greenland on development and construction.

“This solution is a great one for the United States of America, Denmark, Greenland, and all of our Allies,” Trump said.

Non-NATO countries prohibited from building bases in Greenland

The State Department official said the agreement explicitly prohibits any non-NATO country from building a military base in Greenland or maintaining a troop presence there.

The official contrasted that with what the administration described as the previous status quo, under which countries outside NATO could potentially have been allowed to establish military facilities or send forces to Greenland.

The official singled out China and Russia, saying the agreement guarantees that neither country can establish a base in Greenland or deploy troops there.

It also creates mechanisms designed to prevent adversaries from investing in sensitive sectors.

According to the official, only the United States and its allies will be able to make sensitive investments in Greenland under the agreement, replacing what the administration described as a previous system under which adversaries could invest in sensitive areas without investment screening.

The deal, the official said, is intended to remain fully in force even if Greenland one day becomes a fully independent country.

Rubio: ‘A huge win’

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio called the agreement “a huge win for the United States and the American people.”

“Thanks to President Trump’s vision and leadership, this historic agreement permanently guarantees US security interests in the Arctic at zero cost to the US taxpayer,” Rubio said.

“Greenland will forever be part of the strategic defense area of North America and exclude any adversary from it and the surrounding area,” he added.

Rubio said the agreement “permanently and completely addresses our national security concerns in Greenland.”

Trump framed the deal in similarly sweeping terms, calling it “a dream come true for the United States of America” and describing it as “very important, historic, and special.”

“We look forward to working with the wonderful people of Denmark and Greenland toward a magnificent future with respect to this large, and highly strategic, parcel of land,” Trump said. “We will be very protective of it.”

This post was originally published on here. 

The Archbishop of Canterbury withdrew on Thursday an award given to a Muslim cleric who praised Osama bin Laden in comments he made in 2007.

Hafiz Muhammad Tahir Mehmood Ashrafi, a Muslim cleric from Pakistan, received the Hubert Walter Award for Reconciliation and Interfaith Cooperation at Lambeth Palace, the residence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, last Friday.

Ashrafi serves as the chairman of the Pakistan Ulema Council, an Islamic umbrella group composed of Islamic scholars from a wide spectrum of Islamic traditions.

The Archbishop’s office said that Ashrafi was being honored for “his outstanding work as an ambassador of interfaith harmony in Pakistan, known for his commitment to promoting religious tolerance.”

The statement continued to praise Ashrafi’s role in supporting “religious minorities in Pakistan, particularly the Christian community.” 

Bin Laden was ‘fighting for Islam’

The ceremony coincided with the 25th anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York City. Lambeth Palace announced the withdrawal of the award after Ashrafi’s comments resurfaced.

Comments made by Ashrafi emerged from 2007, in which he praised bin Laden, the architect of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, as someone who had “been fighting for Islam against the Russians, Americans, and British,” and in a different instance said he would give bin Laden the title “Saifullah,” meaning “sword of God.”

Lambeth Palace faced backlash over the resurfaced comments and announced it would withdraw the award.

“It is a longstanding principle of interfaith dialogue and co-operation that we must engage with one another across deeply held differences, and that remains the case,” Lambeth Palace announced. 

“However, previous comments made by Imam Ashrafi have come to light that have led Lambeth Palace to reconsider this award, and we can now confirm today that the award has been withdrawn. We have contacted Imam Ashrafi to make him aware of this decision,” the statement continued.

‘An unfair campaign’ against him

In a statement to the BBC, Ashrafi told reporters that his comments from 2007  had been “totally taken out of context” and the subsequent outcry was “an unfair campaign” aimed at smearing him.

Ashrafi said he made the comments in response to “the hurt felt by many Muslims” after the British government’s decision to knight the “Satanic Verses” author Salman Rushdie.

Ashrafi has also been criticized since the award was first announced for his support of the Pakistani blasphemy laws, which have been criticized by human rights groups.

Ashrafi claimed the laws actually “save lives” by stopping people from taking matters of religious offenses into their own hands.

Human Rights Watch said last year that “the laws perpetuate religious discrimination and are used to target the poor and minorities in unlawful evictions and land grabs.”

The group also called on Pakistan’s government to reform the laws to prevent them from “being weaponized” against any of Pakistan’s minority communities.

This post was originally published on here. 

Any immigrant who ever struggled to become conversant in Hebrew could rightfully feel a bit jealous of Ami Steinberger.

He grew up in a bilingual home in Los Angeles, speaking English with his mother and Hebrew with his Israeli father. That gave him a huge advantage when he relocated to Israel.

Steinberger felt he could help those without prior Hebrew fluency reach a conversational level that most could not achieve in existing ulpan classes. (“Ulpan” means “studio” but is also used to describe an intensive school for learning Hebrew.)

On August 18, 2008, he held his first ulpan class in his living room in Katamon. He had four students. Two months later, he was asked to hold two simultaneous classes at AACI and had to hire another teacher. 

Today, Steinberger’s Ulpan La-Inyan (ulpan.com) employs 80 to 90 teachers in a variety of time zones, teaching private lessons and group courses to roughly 2,000 students annually, online and in person. Companies, embassies, and gap-year programs are among its clients. 

In celebration of Ulpan La-Inyan’s 18th anniversary, Steinberger talked with the Magazine about the history of his ulpan, current trends and methodologies for teaching Hebrew, and how Hebrew is increasingly pivotal to Jewish identity outside of Israel.

A new kind of ulpan 

Although he officially made aliyah in 1994 at age 14, when his family lived in Ra’anana for a year, and came back for a year after high school and two years after college, Steinberger permanently relocated in 2007. He had earned an undergraduate degree in English literature from Yeshiva University and a master’s degree in clinical psychology.

Ulpan La-Inyan was born of his interest in languages – he had searched for an effective method for mastering Arabic, French, and Spanish as a hobby – combined with his realization that the free ulpan courses offered by the government for new immigrants weren’t always successful. 

“I noticed that although some English-speakers would come out of a traditional government ulpan with strong Hebrew, many of them would come out understanding the difference between verb forms but not being able to open their mouths and speak,” he said. “These ulpan classes are too large for the teachers to engage each student, so they rely more on theory than on practice. They’re teaching language as if it’s an academic discipline rather than a social skill.”

He saw this as a gap that needed filling.

“I decided to open my own language school based on the method that had helped me learn foreign languages. And it turned out that the need was real. People would come to me and say, ‘I’ve been to five ulpanim, and this was the first one that worked.’ 

“Traditional ulpan, for many people, is like taking a horse and buggy to your destination; our ulpan gets you there in a car.”

Grammar drills vs speaking skills

Steinberger creates scripted lessons based on research into how the brain absorbs and processes language. Without going into detail, this method teaches words by repeating them at very specific intervals. 

“All of this takes place in a conversation which is relevant and useful, where you feel as if you’re actually participating. We don’t teach words with flashcards but through natural conversation.”

In the past decade, additional private ulpanim in Israel have followed suit, radically shifting the emphasis from grammar drills to speaking skills.

“I like to think we started that trend,” Steinberger said. “However, none of them use our exact method, our secret sauce.”

Along with online quizzes and games, ulpan homework these days might include watching a contemporary Israeli TV show and discussing it in the next class, or meeting up in a Hebrew-speaking environment like a café.

Another trend is online learning. Ulpan La-Inyan is still headquartered in Jerusalem with a branch in Tel Aviv, but the physical location doesn’t matter as much anymore. 

“Before corona, we offered only private lessons online, not group lessons, and that segment constituted no more than 10% of our clientele. Since corona, 50% of our students participate online, in private and group classes,” Steinberger said. 

Students come from North America, South America, Mexico, and Europe. Not all students are Jewish. For example, clientele includes Jerusalem Arabs seeking to improve their Hebrew for easier integration into academia or the workplace. 

Hebrew via AI?

The growing preference for long-distance learning comes in tandem with many options for language acquisition – for example, the popular Duolingo digital language-learning platform and app. Steinberger said Duolingo is fun but not very effective for Hebrew, Arabic, and other non-European languages.

“Then there are AI language-training apps with an avatar acting like a language coach; the learner speaks, and the avatar corrects them.

“However, if someone really wants to progress in a language, it requires discipline. If you have good self-discipline to engage with the app on a consistent basis, AI is great. If you’re somebody who needs a structured learning environment where you feel accountable to the teacher and classmates to show up, that is what will help you progress,” he said. 

“Either way, AI is not human, and it’s the human element in conversation that really drives communication.”

Ulpan La-Inyan is developing a hybrid option: a digital course combined with human interaction in real time.

“This enables you to experience fadihot, those embarrassing mistakes, together and get past them,” Steinberger said. “AI can be helpful, but people will always need a sense of human connection because language is ultimately a social activity.”

Pitfalls, pet words, and identity

What are the most common difficulties for new Hebrew-speakers?

“Pronunciation can be difficult to master,” said Steinberger. “English-speakers often confuse the pronunciation of the Hebrew letters hay and het, while French-speakers often confuse raish and het.”

Aside from that, he said, “mostly it’s the verb conjugations that trip people up.” 

Steinberger noted that shaky Hebrew skills lead many a new immigrant to feel a frustrating loss of self-esteem. “They may have a PhD, but their Hebrew is on a first-grade level.”

It helps to inject some basic everyday expressions into your vocabulary from day one. Handy exclamations such as sababa, ahla, and yalla – all of which, ironically enough, are borrowed from Arabic – lend ease to daily interactions even if your ability to put a full sentence together isn’t yet up to speed.

Steinberger believes that the ability to interact with Israelis in their own tongue is increasingly essential to Jewish identity formation in the Diaspora, particularly in non-Orthodox streams. 

It’s true that many graduates of Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox schools lack conversational Hebrew fluency because Hebrew is often taught as a subject and not a language, he says. But their Jewish identity is tied to Torah values and lifestyle rather than spoken Hebrew. 

“However, in the non-Orthodox world, the educational emphasis is on creating a link with peers in Israel. Hebrew could be that bridge, especially in times when Israel’s reputation is in question and Jewish identity becomes complex,” Steinberger said. 

“If someone opts to say ‘I stand with Israel,’ then learning the language becomes their opportunity to connect with Israelis. Many people with a strong feeling of Jewish identity abroad feel they don’t belong at all when they’re in Israel because they can’t really have a conversation.”

And that brings us back to the question of how best to acquire a comfortable command of Hebrew. 

Studies back up Steinberger’s contention that the old-style approach of memorizing grammatical rules and vocabulary word lists is not nearly as effective as the way babies learn to talk, by listening and speaking. 

So, if you haven’t progressed as well as you’d like in a public or traditional ulpan, don’t despair – Ulpan La-Inyan or similar programs may be just the ticket for a faster ride to fluency.■

To sign up for Steinberger’s Daily Dose of Hebrew via WhatsApp or email, or book a 15-minute trial lesson: ulpan.com/your-daily-dose-of-hebrew

This post was originally published on here. 

The Pentagon’s public account of US service member casualties in the Iran war excludes at least four service members killed in the Middle East since the war began on February 28, The Washington Post reported on Friday, citing six US officials familiar with the Defense Department’s internal casualty accounting data.

While the Pentagon‘s public database, the Defense Casualty Analysis System (DCAS), lists 18 US military fatalities, five of the officials told WaPo that there had been at least 22 fatalities, with an additional official saying there had been 23.

The official said that while not all of the undisclosed deaths were directly tied to the conflict, all involved US personnel in the region during the war.

Three US contractors based in the region have also died since the start of the conflict, the official added.

Officials expressed their frustration with the excluded deaths to the Washington Post.

Proper accounting of military deaths essential for families

In addition to public transparency, the proper accounting of military fatalities is essential for service members’ families who receive survivor benefits based on whether the death occurred while performing official duties.

As of Friday, 14 fatalities are listed in the system as occurring during Operation Epic Fury, with an additional four categorized under Overseas Operations, referring to the July ceasefire between the US and Iran, which later collapsed, the Washington Post wrote.

Pentagon releases two additional names of service members killed in region

The Pentagon also released the names of two service members who died in the Middle East since February while assigned to missions unrelated to the Iran war, although both deaths occurred at bases attacked by Iranian forces.

Sgt. Devin Seibel died in Irbil, Iraq, during a training accident on May 31 while assigned to the ongoing campaign against Islamic State terrorists, Operation Inherent Resolve, according to a Pentagon press release.

In addition, Maj. Sorffly Davius died on March 6 after suffering an unspecified medical emergency, having been deployed under Operation Spartan Shield, which involved partnerships with regional militaries, according to the Washington Post.

This post was originally published on here. 

“I built knesset2026.com to help olim (immigrants) understand Israeli politics. Users can answer 16 questions to discover the candidate that best matches their views, then receive a daily news email about Israel in their language,” said Dan Finel, a recent French immigrant. 

The free, user-friendly online questionnaire is available in English, French, German, Italian, Spanish, and even in Hebrew.

“On October 27, I will be voting for the first time in Israel, and I wanted to understand the different candidates and their opinions,” he explained. “There are many candidates I don’t know much about, and I couldn’t find enough information in French or English. I spoke with many olim from different countries, and they told me it’s difficult to find information online in foreign languages. 

“So, for those who cannot follow the news in Hebrew, I decided to create a quiz where you answer easy questions about your views. At the end, we tell you the candidate most aligned with your thinking. We update the questions often. And then, every day, you receive curated news about Israeli politics in your preferred language, in an easy-to-understand format. At the end of each newsletter, which is also free, is a review of the latest election polling results.”

Finel, 27, is learning to perfect his Hebrew on the job as a data scientist at Similarweb. Meanwhile, his knesset2026.com platform has attracted more than 50,000 users, mainly between the ages of 25 and 40. (I’m much older than the average user, but I found the website helpful in confirming my choice of candidate.)

Growing up in Paris in a traditional, Zionist family, Finel visited Israel annually from the time he was six years old. Although he is the first in his immediate family to make aliyah, his grandparents live in Ashdod, and he has aunts and uncles in Givat Shmuel and Tel Aviv.

While finishing his studies at a top business school in France, he had the option to do a six-month internship abroad and decided to do it in the start-up nation through the Jewish Agency’s Masa Israel Journey career development program. 

The track he chose was Israel Tech Challenge (ITC), a Jewish Agency and Israeli National Cyber Bureau initiative connecting young professionals and students from overseas with the tools they need to break into careers in Israel’s hi-tech industry.

“I loved the country, and I wanted to see what it was like to live in Tel Aviv,” he said. 

Originally, his flight had been scheduled for October 9, 2023. For obvious reasons, that flight was postponed, and instead he arrived in November. Despite the wartime situation, his ITC experience cemented his decision to move here.

“I really loved meeting Israelis and people from around the world; in Paris you were only with French people,” he said.

Part of the present and the future

ONE OF THE people he met during his six-month internship, Susana Arditti, was from his past and she’s now part of his present and future – they’re getting married in October.

“Susana and I met in kindergarten in Paris, and we were basically in love,” said Finel. “Then her family moved to London, and we didn’t see each other for 20 years until we met again in Masa. She was going to make aliyah, and I said, ‘I love life in Israel, and I want to leave Paris, so let’s do it.’” Arditti works as a corporate brand designer.

Finel officially made aliyah in September 2024. “Now I’ve been here for more than two years, and I have lived through war and bombings. It’s been quite challenging. Sometimes you can’t sleep at night,” he said.

“One regret I have is that I didn’t do the army; I arrived at 24, a bit too late. But I have friends in the army, and they say it’s hard, but they feel proud to defend the country.” 

When asked his favorite aspect of Israeli life, Finel didn’t hesitate to answer: “The people.”

“You feel that even if you don’t know anyone, if something happens to you, people will help. I felt it at work the moment I arrived. I’m a French guy; nobody knew me, and I didn’t speak Hebrew well, but I immediately felt they were like family. They told me if I needed anything, they’d be there for me. And that’s been true.”

The biggest difference he notices between French and Israeli culture is the Israeli directness in communication.

‘The sun, the beach, the restaurants, the food’

“Relations between people are much more authentic and honest,” he said. “In France, you don’t say exactly what you think, and there are many topics you don’t talk about. In Israel, nothing is off limits. If you think something, you can discuss it openly. At the beginning that was difficult for me, but you get used to it.” 

In addition to the warm culture, he enjoys “the quality of life, the sun, the beach, the restaurants, the food.” 

One of Finel’s favorite hobbies is cooking and baking, everything from pasta and fish to chocolate cake. “I love learning and trying new stuff,” he said. He’s also an avid runner and all-around sportsman. 

With everything he has going on in his life, he still felt the need to contribute his skills voluntarily toward greater unity among Israelis. Using his favorite Hebrew word, bekitzur (in short), he phrased it like this:

“The country is a bit broken, very divided, and that’s difficult. This is why the election is so important. I feel we should all be together, going in the same direction and helping each other get there, even if we don’t all think the same way. We have so many enemies; we need to be together.” ■

Dan Finel, 27

From Paris to Tel Aviv, 2024

This post was originally published on here. 

Is there still an appetite for Israeli spy stories?

Two productions arriving in the United States this month are testing that question: Checkout, a dark Israeli comedy about an aging Mossad operative, and the fifth season of Fauda, the Israeli action thriller about undercover counterterrorism agents. 

One is an indie film that spent years getting to the screen; the other is a global Netflix hit whose new season plunges directly into the trauma of the October 7 massacre.

The two projects are seeking audiences in a challenging climate. A Pew Research Center survey conducted in March found that 60% of Americans had an unfavorable view of Israel, compared with 37% who viewed the country favorably. And Israeli cultural exports have faced increasing scrutiny abroad over the country’s conduct since October 7.

Yet Fauda has returned to Netflix with considerable international attention, while Checkout opened in Manhattan to a sold-out audience.

“It’s hard for Israeli movies right now to find an audience because everything translates to, you know, the ‘P’ [Palestinian] problem,” Jonathan Dekel, the writer, director and executive producer of Checkout, said in an interview. “It’s problematic.”

Checkout premieres to sold-out theater

Checkout opened September 17 to a sold-out audience at the Quad Cinema in Greenwich Village, which Dekel described as a “stalwart of indie cinema.”

Dekel has said the film’s six-year production was almost as difficult as the journey of its protagonist. They shot in Ukraine in November 2020, at the height of the pandemic, and barely escaped with the film’s hard drive after the set was bombed when Russia invaded. They had just finished editing when October 7, 2023, arrived, and Dekel was called up for military service.

Dekel knew that the movie would debut in a world transformed by the war and its aftermath. 

“Trying to find a good time to put out a movie, a satire – a dark comedy about the Israeli special forces – was very, very touch and go until we finally decided to go for it,” he told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

Checkout is not a conventional spy thriller. Its protagonist, Dov, is an American-born New Yorker who moved to Israel and is now about to retire from the Mossad.

“The day he checks out of his hotel to retire, someone else checks in, and it turns out it’s Mossad’s number one target – an arch terrorist [code-]named Gilgamesh,” Dekel said. “The entire movie is this weird weekend in a hotel where these two middle-aged men, spy-versus-spy, try to figure out who they are. They’re trying to find out about each other, but they find themselves.”

Josh Pais, who plays Dov, said his character is a man searching for meaning in his life – and comes to believe he can find it by tracking down and stopping a terrorist.

“He is possibly stepping into delusion,” said Pais. “What was appealing to me was that this is a story of what really happens to spies. So many movies tap into, you know, the James Bond of being a spy. Those movies are awesome, but this movie is about what it’s really like to be sent to a distant land, to be on location and to pretend that you’re someone else. Over a certain amount of time these guys start to lose touch with reality because, in truth, the vast majority of time as a spy nothing happens.”

Shai Satran, the movie’s co-writer, said he believes this is the “perfect moment for a movie about the Israeli intelligence community and an operation gone bad.”

“His driving force is not really to catch that guy – he doesn’t care about that guy. The driving force is to be accepted by his peers, the people who sent him – that’s at the core,” said Satran.  “I don’t want to be crude about this, but there was something pre-October 7 about the Israeli security forces, maybe the special forces: There’s a certain arrogance in being only worried about your peers and not being aware of” the wider mission. In the lead-up to the Hamas attacks of October 7, “Israel, in a sense, thought that they were more in control of the situation than they were,” he said

Fauda‘s international success rewarded with fifth season

That idea – of intelligence work as something more complicated than heroic missions and exotic adventures – also runs through Fauda, though in a much more conventional action-thriller format.

The Israeli series has been an international success since its Netflix debut in 2016, and its fifth season, which arrived on Netflix September 8, is now testing whether audiences will follow its characters into a story shaped directly by and set two years after October 7.

Lior Raz, the show’s creator, co-writer and star, said last month at a fundraiser in Lenox, Massachusetts, for Israel’s Magen David Adom emergency service that he was genuinely surprised by the show’s reception in unlikely places: Previous seasons of the show hit No. 1 in popularity in Lebanon and the United Arab Emirates, and it was No. 2 in Qatar.

Season four ran in 2022 in Israel and early the next year on Netflix. The show’s creators had originally begun writing a different fifth season. But after the October 7 Hamas attack, Raz said those scripts were discarded. The new season deals directly with the aftermath of the attack and what Raz described as the nature of revenge. One reviewer called it “gripping, emotionally exhausting and often deeply difficult to watch,” particularly because of its depiction, in flashbacks, of October 7.

Raz, in his MDA talk, said the backlash against Israel was a campaign orchestrated by radical activists and Israel’s enemies. The latest season of Fauda is in part an attempt to depict the Israeli perspective for those open to nuance. “I want them to look in my character’s eyes, and to see what we felt on those days,” he told the New York Times. “If it would happen in their countries, they would feel exactly like we felt and how we feel about the world. So I hope it would open people’s eyes to see what happened on October 7.”

Although its reception abroad is hard to gauge, the latest season was a hit in Israel: The Times reported that it had already been the most-watched season of any show in the history of Israel’s Yes network.  

Lacking the backing of a streaming giant, Checkout will have to work harder to find an audience. The Sundance Screenwriters Lab supported the Checkout script, Dekel said, but that was before October 7. Since then, “finding a distributor, finding a Netflix, Amazon or Hulu was pretty much crickets [silence] all over. It might be our movie, but looking around [at] movies from my colleagues – Israelis – I think it’s pretty much a broad phenomenon.”

Asked if he believed the difficulty he faced was because it is an Israeli movie or because it involved Jews, Dekel replied, “Is there a difference?”

This post was originally published on here. 

US President Donald Trump said on Friday that he is banning CNN, MS NOW, and Politico from the White House, “effective immediately.”

Trump made the comments in a Truth Social post, describing the networks as “fake news,” singling out MS NOW for having changed their name from the original MSNBC “due to lack of viewership and credibility.”

“Media Outlets shouldn’t be able to constantly write or report FICTION and LIES when they’re covering the President of the United States, the Trump Administration, or the United States of America,” wrote Trump.

President Trump further referred to Politico as having received “an illegal and ridiculous $8 Million Dollar subscription, an All Time Record, directly from the United States Government, under Crooked Joe Biden, in order to keep them ‘alive,'” noting that the accusation sounded to him like “corruption.”

Trump says other ‘fake news media outlets’ will be banned in future

He added that there would be “other Fake News Media Outlets to follow.”

Reuters reached out to CNN, MS NOW, Politico, and the National Press Club for comment, but none responded.

Trump has repeatedly urged broadcasters to drop comedy or news programs he dislikes or which have joked about or criticized him or his administration. He has also called on the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to strip stations of licenses after criticizing news and other programming.

Reuters contributed to this report.

This post was originally published on here. 

The Kasau family, with support from the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), petitioned the Jerusalem District Court Thursday for permission to establish a protest tent near the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) in the Government Complex in Jerusalem from September 23 to October 22, 2026, according to an announcement released Friday.

The family is seeking to raise awareness of the disappearance of their daughter, Haymanut Kasau, who went missing on February 25, 2024, at the age of nine, from the Tzfat absorption center where she lived with her family. She has not been found since.

Haymanut’s parents, Tesfaya and Benchi Kasau, have led a public campaign calling for increased efforts to locate her, including protests outside Lahav 433 offices and a march in Tel Aviv.

The family has repeatedly sought approval from the Jerusalem Municipality to establish a protest tent near government institutions. The municipality rejected their requests to set up tents outside the Supreme Court, near the Knesset, and on Gaza Street and Balfour Street opposite the Prime Minister’s official residence, where previous protest encampments have been held.

Municipality rejects request for protest tent, prompting court petition

On Wednesday, the municipality’s legal adviser rejected ACRI’s official request, submitted the previous day, to establish the tent near the Prime Minister’s Office at the intersection of Zusman and Kaplan streets. The municipality argued that long-term protest tents could create sanitation, safety, and accessibility issues and interfere with public use of the area.

Attorneys Oded Feller and Eden Gilad of ACRI, who filed the petition on the family’s behalf, argued that the municipality’s decision relied on general concerns and broad policy rather than any specific danger posed by the requested tent.

Petition says municipality failed to balance public interests with protest rights

The petition argued that freedom of protest is a constitutional right of the highest order and that areas near centers of government are key places to exercise that right. It added that the possibility of some disruption to daily life is not, by itself, sufficient grounds to prevent a protest.

According to the petition, the municipality failed to properly balance public interests with the parents’ right to protest and demand answers from decision-makers.

“The Jerusalem Municipality cannot restrict this solely due to general concerns and sweeping policy,” Feller and Gilad said. “In order to restrict freedom of protest, there must be a near certainty of serious and severe harm to public order or other protected interests, and that is not the case here.”

“Therefore, the municipality must approve the request on its merits and allow the family to make its plea heard precisely in the place where it chose to do so,” they added.

This post was originally published on here. 

American Jews remain overwhelmingly pro-Israel, but a clear majority believe Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitism in the United States, according to a new survey published by the Mellman Group for the Jewish Electorate Institute on Tuesday.

The survey revealed divisions among US Jews regarding Israeli leadership, US military aid, and pro-Israel lobbying. The poll highlighted a community highly critical of the current Israeli government despite strong baseline support for the state itself.

A full 86% of American Jews identified as pro-Israel. Yet 61% said they held an unfavorable view of Netanyahu.

A 56% majority say Netanyahu’s actions have directly increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the US. This concern splits along party lines. 65% of Jewish Democrats, 46% of Independents, and 34% of Jewish Republicans share it.

While most American Jews are not closely following Israel’s October elections, 60% want Netanyahu replaced, according to statistics reported by the Mellman Group. Only 16% want him reelected.

Divisions on US military aid among American Jews

A narrow majority of American Jews said they supported reducing or ending US military funding to Israel.

The poll found 52% backed cuts to the $3.3 billion aid package. This included 17% who want aid eliminated entirely and 36% who want it reduced.

The divide is strictly partisan. Nearly two-thirds (63%) of Jewish Democrats supported cutting aid. Conversely, 67% of Republicans and 65% of Independents opposed cuts and want to keep funding at current levels. Four in ten voters remained concerned about congressional efforts to defund defensive systems like the Iron Dome.

When asked about groups targeting candidates deemed insufficiently pro-Israel, 45% of Jewish voters say such efforts are “more important than ever.” However, 37% say these “heavy-handed efforts” alienate voters and worsen the situation.

US Jews mixed on feelings toward AIPAC

AIPAC, the largest pro-Israel spender in the primaries, held a mixed favorability rating. Overall, 42% viewed AIPAC favorably and 35% viewed it unfavorably. It retained strong support among Republicans (71%) and Independents (55%), but Jewish Democrats were divided, with 44% viewing it unfavorably.

Jewish voters still heavily favored the Democratic Party. In a generic congressional ballot, Democrats lead Republicans 71% to 23% among Jews.

Despite the apparent loyalty found in the survey’s data, Jewish Democrats held growing concerns about their own party.

Both major US parties faced internal trust issues regarding antisemitism. The poll found 60% of Jews believed antisemitism was rising in the Republican Party, while 57% said it was rising in the Democratic Party. Half of all Jewish Democrats said antisemitism was growing within their own ranks.

Furthermore, 51% of Jewish voters no longer believed the term “pro-Israel” accurately described the Democratic Party. Over a third of Jewish Democrats said the rise of anti-Israel candidates made it harder for them to identify with the party.

The Mellman Group conducted the survey of 800 Jewish registered voters online between August 25 and September 3, 2026. The margin of error is plus or minus 3.5 percentage points.

This post was originally published on here. 

Mr. President,

As the Jewish world approaches Yom Kippur, the Day of Judgment, and as leaders gather at the United Nations, ultimate judgment is on my mind.

Not only judgment for what we have done, but for what we failed to do, for opportunities we recognized but allowed to pass.

History presents such moments.

This may be one of them.

Carpe diem, Mr. President. Seize the day.

We met once, although you would have no reason to remember it.

I was a boy learning to box at a Brooklyn Boys Club in the late 60s and early 70s that your father, Fred Trump, had helped build in the Beach Haven apartment projects. You and your father walked in, and all of us kids were told to gather around you and your father to say thank you.

Decades later, I find myself writing to you about a very different fight.

I write as a fourth-generation American. My grandfather served our country during World War I. My family has lived the American story for more than half of the nation’s nearly 250 years. Although I live abroad today, America’s security, leadership, and future are not only critical but very personal to me.

You have made clear that America must win the artificial intelligence race. I agree.

But another question must stand beside it: How does America win without all of us ultimately losing?

The AI race is not a single sprint. It is a marathon of many sprints, each presenting different opportunities and different dangers.

America must win those sprints. It cannot afford to surrender technological leadership to China or anyone else.

But winning the next two years while creating uncontrollable dangers five, 10, or 20 years down the road would hardly constitute victory.

We learned something similar during the nuclear era.

The United States and the Soviet Union never stopped competing. American presidents did not abandon deterrence, technological superiority, or military preparedness.

But they also understood that certain technologies demand guardrails.

The SALT and START treaties did not rest upon trust between Washington and Moscow. They rested upon something much more basic: recognition that technological superiority alone does not eliminate catastrophic danger.

They competed while they negotiated.

They sought superiority while simultaneously trying to prevent mutual destruction.

That lesson matters again.

Artificial intelligence is obviously not a nuclear weapon. But AI is an extraordinary force multiplier, and its misuse is not merely some science-fiction scenario awaiting us decades from now.

The danger already exists.

A terrorist organization or proxy no longer necessarily requires the same number of engineers, laboratories, or years of accumulated expertise that sophisticated weapons development once demanded.

AI can compress expertise. It can compress time. And it can lower the price of capability.

Recently, disclosures from Anthropic, for example, have illustrated how hostile actors have attempted to use advanced AI capabilities to support dangerous activities. These dangerous activities currently were for the development of ballistic missiles, but they can be for biological or chemical weapons or other weapons of mass destruction.

The same Anthropic report describes Iranian state-aligned actors employing AI in influence operations, surveillance, and what they themselves called “cognitive warfare.” Ironically or not, these very same actors were an Iranian proxy, and that represents the first horizon: human beings with malicious intent using increasingly powerful AI tools.

Trump, lead the race!

Then comes another horizon.

AI agents will increasingly be given authority to perform complex tasks with less continuous human supervision. As we delegate more responsibility to them, questions of control, authorization, accountability, and alignment become progressively more consequential.

And beyond that lies the longer-term question: What happens as these systems become vastly more capable?

These are different risks. They require different guardrails.

That is precisely why the answer cannot simply be to slow down. America cannot afford to stop competing while its adversaries continue.

The better answer is much more American: accelerate capability, accelerate control, accelerate international cooperation.

Lead the race while simultaneously helping establish the rules necessary to ensure that winning the race does not ultimately become a losing proposition for everyone.

Iran offers an instructive lesson.

For years, much of the international community said Iran should never possess a nuclear weapon. Yet governments differed profoundly over what risks they were prepared to accept and what risks and measures they were willing to take to prevent that outcome. They also chose to ignore Iran’s true intentions.

Meanwhile, Tehran repeatedly demonstrated its determination to advance capabilities despite international pressure and agreements intended to constrain it.

There is a larger lesson here.

Sometimes recognizing a danger is not enough.

Sometimes leadership requires putting an issue on the world’s agenda before consensus exists about what should be done.

Sometimes it takes the kind of leadership that you have demonstrated time after time, including in reference to the threats from Venezuela or Iran; actions speak louder than words.

And that is why your appearance before the United Nations presents an extraordinary opportunity.

Not because America should surrender to the UN the responsibility for managing this issue. It should not.

But because the General Assembly remains the one stage upon which virtually the entire world is watching simultaneously.

I have seen the UN from very different vantage points.

Early in my career, as a student, I was engaged in the research surrounding Kurt Waldheim’s background with the Nazi Army, during an era in which Waldheim provided the archetypal terrorist Yasser Arafat a global platform at the UN General Assembly, at the very moment terrorism was becoming an increasingly powerful international instrument of chaos and destruction.

Years later, while serving as chief strategic officer of Ruder Finn, I had the opportunity to work as an adviser to the UN secretary-general Kofi Annan and with Shashi Tharoor, witnessing serious efforts to make the institution more effective and more faithful to its founding purpose.

I have therefore seen the UN at its worst, and closer to what it was intended to be.

I am not suggesting that the UN control the artificial intelligence challenge. I am suggesting that you use its stage, the General Assembly.

America must lead.

China will compete.

Companies will innovate and cooperate (as they have indicated).

Technology will advance – wisely, and not the alternative.

Highlighting that humanity shares an interest in ensuring that increasingly powerful technologies remain meaningfully under human control and are not turned against civilization itself.

America’s technological lead is not an argument against beginning that conversation. It is precisely what gives America the leverage to lead it.

Mr. President, throughout your public life, you have demonstrated an unusual willingness to put issues on the agenda before others are prepared to do so.

You do not need international consensus to recognize that something requires attention.

That quality makes this a particularly important moment.

This is not about retreating from your commitment to win the AI race. It is about expanding the definition of what winning means.

You and I first crossed paths when I was a boy learning to fight in a boxing ring.

More than half a century later, one lesson from boxing still holds very true: winning isn’t simply about throwing the hardest punch; it’s about going the distance. 

It is about understanding the fight you’re actually in.

America must win the AI race. America should lead it. And then America should use that leadership to help ensure the race itself never becomes a losing proposition for everyone.

Winning, without losing.

I pray that, if providence wills it, one of your friends or relatives who might read the Jerusalem Post, like Ambassador Mike Huckabee, Jared Kushner, Ivanka, or others, will see this letter to you and make sure it makes its way to you.

Carpe diem, Mr. President, and Godspeed.

The writer is a global strategist and a strategic adviser at the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs. Follow him on X: @jeffkahn2020.

This post was originally published on here. 

The Federal Aviation Administration said on Friday a proposed triumphal arch President Donald Trump wants to build near Arlington National Cemetery in Washington would not pose a hazard to aircraft but would be required to have an “eternal flame” on top.

The FAA determination requires it to be marked with a light on top of the structure and floodlight projectors pointed at the arch to make it noticeable for pilots. Some aviation experts have raised safety concerns given its proximity to Reagan Washington National Airport.

The determination clears an aviation hurdle for the arch, which Trump proposed to mark the nation’s 250th anniversary. The project is part of the president’s broader drive to reshape Washington’s monumental landscape, including a new White House ballroom, renovation of the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool and redevelopment of a golf course in East Potomac Park.

Veterans have sued to block the arch, arguing it would destroy the historic sightline between the Lincoln Memorial and Arlington National Cemetery.

The FAA previously said the arch would need red obstruction lights but said on Friday the structure no longer is required to have them.

The FAA determination is subject to review if anyone petitions by October 18.

Trump arch project draws scrutiny over aviation and construction risks

In June, US Senator Tammy Duckworth, the top Democrat on the Senate aviation subcommittee, urged the FAA to reject White House pressure to approve the proposed 250-foot (76-meter) arch, saying it could pose risks to commercial flights.

The proposed arch ​would be 3,000 feet from Washington National Airport and within the airport’s main approach and departure corridor.

The FAA generally requires blinking red warning lights on buildings ​above 200 feet near airports to warn pilots at night, like on the nearby 555-foot-tall Washington Monument.

Duckworth ​cited the National Park Service as saying construction of Trump’s arch would require cranes reaching 300 to 320 feet in height ‌and ⁠could last 20 hours per day for two to three years.

The FAA said pilots must fly at least 780 feet above the area around the arch, at least 488 feet above the top of the proposed structure.

On September 4, a federal judge ordered the Trump administration to give 48 hours’ notice before engaging in any activity on the arch site, except for work to identify underground cultural artifacts.

This post was originally published on here. 

The High Holy Day prayer book contains many beautiful prayers that express basic Jewish values. I would like to discuss the prayer Ata Behartanu, which appears in the Amida of every service on the High Holy Days. It contains a concept that has been repeatedly misunderstood throughout the ages.

“You have chosen us among all peoples, loving us, wanting us. You have exalted us among all nations, making us holy through your commandments, drawing us close to Your service, and calling us by Your great and holy name.” 

Indeed, this basic Jewish concept of the chosen people is found in many other places in the liturgy. Whoever is given an aliyah to the Torah recites the blessing “…Who has chosen us from among all the peoples,” and in the Shabbat and festival kiddush we say “…For you have chosen us and sanctified us from among all peoples.”

This concept did not originate in the siddur (prayer book). It’s already found in the Torah. Thus, we read, for example, in Exodus 19:5-6: “Now therefore if you… keep my covenant, then you shall be my own treasure from among all peoples… and you shall be unto me a kingdom of priests and a holy nation.”

This idea is reiterated in Deuteronomy (7:6): “For you are a holy people unto the Lord your God: the Lord your God has chosen you to be his own treasure out of all the peoples that are on the face of the earth.”

Why the ‘Chosen People’ concept is attacked by so many non-Jews

Before we continue, let us turn for a moment to the detractors of the chosen people concept.

William Norman Ewer is reputed to have said: “How odd of God to choose the Jews,” and in 1939 Arnold Toynbee attacked this concept at length in his book A Study of History.

Indeed, the chosen people concept was also attacked by many Jews.

In 1911, Yosef Hayim Brenner wrote in his book Mikan Umikan: “With keen and passionate pleasure I would blot out from the prayer book of the Jew of our day ‘ki vanu vaharta,’ ‘You have chosen us,’ in every shape and form.” 

In 1945, Rabbi Mordecai Kaplan carried out Brenner’s wish. In the Reconstructionist Sabbath Prayer Book, the blessing before the Torah was changed from “who has chosen us” to “who has brought us close to His service.” 

On the other hand, there are some Jews today who understand this concept in the opposite direction. They think that because God chose us, we are better than non-Jews and may therefore mistreat them.

I believe that all these groups misunderstood the concept. To understand this concept, we must examine the verb “bahar,” meaning “to choose,” in the Tanach. It normally refers to God choosing a person or place for a specific task. 

For example, in Deuteronomy (18:5), the priests are chosen to stand before God and serve him forever. In I Kings 8:16, God says that he chose King David to lead the Jewish people. In that same verse, God says that he chose Jerusalem to build the Temple there. And in Deuteronomy we are repeatedly told that God will choose a place to make His name dwell there.

Thus it is with the chosen people concept. 

The four tasks Jews were chosen to carry out

THE JEWISH people were chosen for four specific tasks:

The first task is described in Isaiah 43 (v. 10, 12, 21): “You are my witnesses, says the Lord, and my servant whom I have chosen. That you may know and believe me and understand that I am He… The people which I formed for myself, that they might tell of my praise.” In other words, God chose us to teach the world about monotheism. 

The second task of the chosen people is to observe the Torah and the mitzvot. As we read in Psalms (105:42-45): “For He remembered His holy word unto Abraham… and He brought forth His people with joy [from Egypt], His chosen ones with singing… that they might keep His statutes and observe his laws.” 

The third task is described in Genesis 18:19. God chose Abraham “that he may command his children… to keep the way of the Lord, to do righteousness and justice.” When Jews lead the struggle for social justice, they are fulfilling this task.

The final task is described, once again, in Isaiah (49:3, 6): “And [God] said unto me: You are my servant Israel, in whom I will be glorified… I have also made you a light for the nations, that my salvation may reach the ends of the earth.”

Thus far we have seen that the Jewish people was chosen for four very specific tasks. Critics might still say that we wrote this in our Bible because we thought we were better than everyone else, while Jewish chauvinists might say that this proves that we are better than everyone else. My answer would be that the Torah itself tells us the opposite. 

As we read in Deuteronomy (7:7-8): “It is not because you are the most numerous of peoples that the Lord set His heart on you and chose you – indeed, you are the smallest of peoples; but it was because the Lord loved you and kept the oath He made to your fathers that the Lord freed you with a mighty hand… from the hand of Pharaoh king of Egypt.”

Until now, we have described a one-way process. God chose us to fulfill certain tasks, and our role was totally passive. But beginning with the Revelation at Mount Sinai, the Jewish people reciprocated – it chose God’s covenant, and it chose to do the mitzvot. 

As we read in Exodus 19:8: “And the people replied together saying: everything which God said – we shall do.” And in Exodus 24:7, “Everything that God said, we shall do and we shall obey.” 

This idea was expanded in the famous midrash that describes God as offering the Torah to all the nations of the Earth and each refused because they rejected one specific mitzvah, until God “came to Israel and said: Will you accept the Torah? They said: yes, yes! ‘Everything that God said, we shall do and we shall obey’” (Lamentations Rabbah, parasha 3, ed. Buber, fol. 62a). 

That is why Israel Zangwill wrote 100 years ago: “A Chosen People is really a choosing people.” And Leon Roth replied to Ewer’s “how odd of God to choose the Jews” with, “It’s not so odd, the Jews chose God!” 

Let us summarize what we have learned:

As we recite Ata Behartanu many times during the High Holy Days, let us remember that we were chosen out of God’s love, not because of our own special characteristics. And we have four tasks: to teach the world that there is one God; to observe His Torah and commandments; to do justice; and to be a light unto the nations. 

I hope and pray that we and our leaders will take these tasks to heart in the year ahead.

The writer, a Conservative rabbi, is president emeritus of The Schechter Institutes in Jerusalem, where he serves as a professor of Talmud and Jewish law.

This post was originally published on here. 

It is a Yom Kippur that will long be etched in Israel’s collective memory.

No, not October 1973, when two Arab armies staged a savage surprise attack on the holiest day of the Jewish calendar, triggering the 19-day Yom Kippur War that cost the lives of 2,691 soldiers. That this day will always be etched in the Jewish consciousness goes without saying.

There is another one as well: the Yom Kippur of 2023, just 13 days before the brutal surprise attack of October 7 – on Simchat Torah.

The Yom Kippur when Israel turned against itself

That was the Yom Kippur when Jews were pitted against Jews over the erection of a makeshift mechitza (partition) in Tel Aviv’s Dizengoff Square and other public spaces throughout the country.

Prayer books were thrown into the Dizengoff fountain, tallitot (prayer shawls) were thrown to the ground, and the somber Kol Nidre service was disrupted by the sound of shrill whistles and secular protesters shouting “Shame, shame.”

Scuffles broke out between those who came to pray and those who came to protest Orthodox prayer in a public space, in contravention of a High Court ruling.

Some wept at the scene; others wept when they saw pictures of it days later.

Had we lost it?

Yom Kippur 2023 will be remembered as a symbol of a nation at the brink – unwilling to compromise and intolerant of one another. It was also a Yom Kippur that Hamas head Yahya Sinwar saw, and he could only have been encouraged by the spectacle of Israel tearing itself apart.

To an enemy waiting to pounce, a nation whose citizens were at one another’s throats must have looked like a nation incapable of rallying together against a mortal threat.

Yet it did.

That Yom Kippur will always stand as tragic proof that when we tear ourselves apart from within – and there is no greater manifestation of that than physically fighting over a mechitza on Yom Kippur – we leave ourselves dangerously exposed to enemies from without. So obsessed with finding fault in one another, we ignored the wolf at the gates.

The High Holy Days are times of reflection and introspection, of looking inward, correcting one’s path, and mending one’s own faults. The anger and hatred that burst forth on that Yom Kippur came from finding fault not with oneself but with one’s neighbor and from having neither the patience nor the tolerance to hear the other side out.

If ever there were a day meant to disabuse us of our own infallibility, it is Yom Kippur.

“We have sinned, we have acted treacherously, we have robbed, we have spoken slander,” Jews say over and over on this day, followed by the recitation of a long litany of sins: “For the sin we have sinned before You under duress or of free will and for the sin we have sinned before You in hardness of heart.”

And on and on and on – a testament to our infinite fallibility.

Yet on that Yom Kippur of 2023, and throughout the angry days, weeks, and months that preceded it, each of the warring camps in the judicial reform debate was convinced of its own infallibility and the absolute righteousness of its cause – a certainty that brooked no room for compromise and allowed little, if any, understanding of the fears and concerns of the other side.

And it led to machzorim being tossed into water fountains and tallitot strewn on the ground. And much, much worse.

October 7 reminded Israel that there is only ‘we’

SOME WILL say that we learned nothing, that Israeli society has completely failed to internalize the lesson, and that we are right back at one another’s throats just as we were then.

The same certitudes. The same absence of doubt. The same absolutism. The same portrayal of ideological rivals as enemies.

But that is not the whole picture.

This impression is caused, to a certain extent, by the fact that we are in an election season. Elections the world over do not exactly bring out the best in people; on the contrary, they amplify their worst instincts. They create a political incentive to sow divisions, pit “them” against “us,” and paint every policy debate in catastrophic colors.

That is exactly what some politicians on both sides are doing now. It is to be expected. But during an election campaign, the bitter, divisive rhetoric of leaders does not necessarily reflect the sentiments of those they hope to lead – or the quieter, more measured mood of the country.

October 7 did change things.

It forced a recognition that however deeply we differ, our fate is shared.

Today – as always – political debates are fierce, and the shrillest voices attract the most attention. But beneath the noise lies a basic understanding that our political rivals are not our enemies and that the real threat remains beyond our borders.

Israel’s airwaves over the last three years have been tragically filled with interviews with wounded soldiers, bereaved wives, mothers, and fathers, released hostages, and relatives of hostages who never made it home alive.

Across those heart-wrenching interviews, one recurring theme emerges: A nation whose sons and daughters – religious and secular, from the Right and the Left – sleep together in the same tent in Syria, fight together in the same tank in Lebanon, patrol together in the same jeep in the West Bank, and clear the same tunnels in Gaza should be able to find a way to live together in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv without tearing itself apart.

We should be worthy of their sacrifice, goes the standard response to those stories of heroism and selflessness.

Those soldiers are the antithesis of the “us vs them” attitude so prevalent on that Yom Kippur three years ago.

Instead, they embody the collective “we” that runs throughout the Yom Kippur liturgy: “We have sinned, we have betrayed, we have robbed…”

The liturgy, like those stories, leaves no room for “us” and “them.”

There is only “we.”

This post was originally published on here. 

The Russian Foreign Ministry summoned Britain’s chargé d’affaires in Moscow, Danae Dholakia, on Friday to issue a formal protest about what it called London’s “further increase” in weapons supplies to Ukraine.

In a statement, the ministry said that by sending more arms to Kyiv, “London is placing itself in the position of an accomplice to the bloody atrocities committed by the Kyiv regime, which can only be characterized as terrorism and war crimes.”

A spokesperson for Britain’s Foreign Office called the summoning “yet another attempt to deflect attention from Russia’s barbaric full-scale invasion of Ukraine and discredit the UK on the world stage.”

Russia currently has no ambassador in London, and relations are dire.

The departure of the previous Russian ambassador, Andrei Kelin, in July prompted British media speculation – denied by Russia – that Moscow was downgrading diplomatic relations because of London’s role as one of Ukraine’s biggest supporters.

Poland joins anti-ballistic missile coalition with Ukraine

Also on Friday, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk said that Poland has joined an anti-ballistic missile coalition with Ukraine and other allies.

“From today, Poland is part of this major project… we agreed on the forms and frameworks of this cooperation,” Tusk said in a video posted on X/Twitter.

Jesteśmy w Koalicji Antybalistycznej. pic.twitter.com/prtqKznHnB

— Donald Tusk (@donaldtusk) September 18, 2026

Tusk attended a summit on Friday of a new regional grouping of eight Carpathian countries, held in western Ukraine and launched by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky.

Ukraine and nine European countries announced in July an air-defense coalition that would jointly develop a new anti-ballistic missile system as an alternative, cheaper solution to the US Patriot system.

Tusk told a press conference at the summit that Poland has prepared a new “significant” donation package for Ukraine, without giving further detail.

“I will be very consistent here. No one will change my opinion that Poland has to support Ukraine in its war against Russian aggression… History cannot divide us vis-à-vis Russia today,” Tusk said.

After his bilateral meeting with Tusk at the summit, Zelensky thanked Poland for the new aid package.

“Ukraine and Poland are strong neighbors, friends, and partners, and we have one common enemy,” he said on the Telegram app.

This post was originally published on here. 

The police opened an investigation into a violent incident in the Khirbet Merkaz area in the southern Hebron Hills, during which a Palestinian woman was attacked by a young suspect with a stick today.

IDF forces that arrived at the scene did not locate the suspect, who fled.

The police are still searching for the suspect

This is a developing story

This post was originally published on here. 

Authorities imposed an overnight curfew in Nigeria‘s central city of Minna on Friday after security forces opened fire as hundreds of people took to the streets to protest against the deaths of 37 detainees in the custody of a paramilitary force.

The victims – many of whom were children – were found dead on Thursday in the cells of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), which had raided suspected illegal gold mines and locked up dozens of miners in the city, the capital of Niger State.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu ordered an investigation into the deaths after his government earlier suspended some senior officials. But anger over the incident led to clashes overnight and into Friday.

As the start of curfew approached at 6 p.m. (1700 GMT), security forces had restored order to the streets of Minna. They had earlier fired live rounds as protesters – some armed with sticks, machetes and traditional hunting rifles – called for justice. A Reuters witness saw one body on the ground.

“We are not thieves. We are simply seeking a way to make a living by mining,” Yusuf Auwal, a miner who joined the protesters, told Reuters.

Some protesters had tried to set fire to government buildings in the Tunga neighborhood.

Niger State Governor Umar Bago said many of the dead were children, aged 14 to 18, who had been working in the mines instead of going to school. “There are issues of illegal mining, and it is taking a toll on our children,” he said.

Investigation promised, bodies already buried

The NSCDC said the detainees had been held in raids on suspected illegal mines on September 15 to 16 in the Wushishi-Lukoto area west of Minna. It initially said a suspected disease outbreak may have been involved in their deaths, but later said the cause of death had not been established and would be determined by medical examinations.

Interior Minister Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo ordered the immediate suspension of Niger State’s NSCDC commandant, Suberu Siyaka Aniviye, pending the outcome of a full investigation.

“It is an unfortunate incident; however, a full investigation will be conducted while the commandant under whose watch this happened remains suspended,” the Interior Ministry said in a statement.

The victims were buried late on Thursday in accordance with Islamic tradition, raising questions about if or how authorities would carry out further forensic examinations to determine the cause of death.

‘We will not forgive them’

The mother of one of the detainees, Shafa’atu Suleiman, told Reuters outside the hospital on Thursday that she had visited her son Abdullahi in detention and found him in a cramped NSCDC cell, before later learning that he had died.

Officials had refused to allow relatives to deliver food to the detainees and demanded 100,000 naira ($75) for them to be freed, she said.

“This is injustice. We will not forgive them.”

NSCDC officials did not respond to multiple requests for comment on her accusations.

Nigeria has tried for years to curb unauthorized mining at thousands of informal sites that operate across the country. The authorities say illegal mining damages the environment and leads to losses of government revenue.

This post was originally published on here. 

Israel Police Commissioner Insp.-Gen. Daniel Levi and Northern District Commander Meir Eliyahu participated in the annual “For the Sons’ Path” race on Friday, held in memory of fallen members of the Druze community.

The traditional race took place in Lavi Forest and is held every year to commemorate fallen members of the Druze community while honoring their legacy and contributions to Israel’s security.

Hundreds of Israel Police officers participated in the race, alongside senior security officials, representatives of public organizations, members of the Druze community, and other participants who gathered for an event focused on remembrance, unity, and honoring those who lost their lives.

Levi and Eliyahu helped launch the five-kilometer race, alongside senior officials from the security establishment and public organizations who took part in the event.

A gesture of respect, appreciation for fallen members of Druze community

After the race began, Levi ran alongside Israel Police officers as a gesture of respect and appreciation for fallen members of the Druze community who died while serving and sacrificed their lives for the security of the state and its citizens.

The participation of Israel Police officers in the event reflects the deep connection and partnership between the Israel Police and the Druze community, as well as the appreciation shown toward the fallen and their families. The race serves each year as an occasion for remembrance and tribute, while also highlighting brotherhood, partnership, and a shared commitment to the State of Israel.

This post was originally published on here. 

Shaul Meridor, a member of Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar party, claimed Ofer Winter approached officials in the cabinet after October 7 and attempted to prevent Israel from launching a ground campaign into Gaza.

Ofer Winter served as a reservist Brigadier General in the IDF at the beginning of the war with Hamas, and in August of this year launched the new right-wing “People of Israel” party.

“Sometimes it amazes me to see the gap between the image and reality,” Meridor said. According to him, “Ofer Winter opposed the maneuver in Gaza and went to convince cabinet politicians not to go in.” Meridor added that Winter tried, among other things, to convince Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu not to proceed with the operation. 

“Today he talks about being the most offensive-minded person,” he stated. Meridor also claimed that despite Winter’s remarks, he currently has no ability to influence the makeup of the next government. 

“He says it himself. They don’t have 61 [seats], they aren’t close to Netanyahu,” Meridor said. “He is irrelevant to anything.”

Netanyahu strategizes over the Ofer Winter issue

According to Maariv’s senior political commentator Mati Tuchfeld, since the electoral lists closed, several consultations took place throughout the week at Likud headquarters, in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s presence, regarding Ofer Winter and the addition of a new right-wing party. 

This post was originally published on here. 

With the advent of the New Year, the Jerusalem Artists House recently unveiled a new set of exhibitions as the hopeful harbinger of good, exciting, and adventurous things to come. 

Judging by the latest set, culture consumers can look forward to a year of quality showings across numerous styles, subgenres, and mindsets.

The new season, as per the venue’s tradition, kicks off with offerings from artists selected to join the ranks of Jerusalem Artists Association members. 

The resulting display, curated by Tali Ben-Nun, traverses diverse areas of creative endeavor, formats, and philosophies. 

Young artists

There is also room at Artists’ House for an injection of fresh blood, with contributions by youngsters David Rosenberg and Nitsan Ben-Zimra. 

Rosenberg earned his place in the layout by virtue of landing this year’s Osnat Mozes Painting Prize for a Young Artist. 

In addition to the prestigious award, the boyish-looking 34-year-old also pocketed NIS 10,000 and got himself a solo exhibition berth at the venerable art repository on Shmuel Hanagid Street.

Judging by his spread on the top floor of the building, curated by Ronny Carny, the prize was well-earned. He clearly has a penchant for color – striking, bright, rich hues at that – and is adept at presenting them in compelling ways. 

Indeed, the Osnat Mozes Painting Prize committee members noted Rosenberg’s ability to explore the formal transformations of painting with deep sensitivity, precision, and a playful approach.

Notwithstanding the seemingly free-flowing line of aesthetic attack, Rosenberg says his approach to the visual bottom line takes on plenty of corporeal, definitively tactile elements en route.

“These works may give the impression of being very organized and tight, and my works look very graphic and neat. But my method is much wilder. In my studio, and in my life, I feel there is a lot of room for playing around with material, unfettered ideas, working outside in gardening and welding, and things that come from very different worlds.”

That, indeed, provides fascinating insight into the person behind the exhibited end product, and some of the subtext to his cerebral roaming. 

“All of that brings me ideas I can use in my work, at home and in my studio,” Rosenberg explains. Each to his own, naturally, and, as they say, if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it.

There is very little of the recognizable real world – as we generally know it – in Rosenberg’s paintings. That said, the images don’t require much clarification. There are grid shapes, excerpts of what appear to be latticed windows, and the odd meandering worm-like design that could reference anything going on. 

Yet it doesn’t come across as overly abstract. Everything seems to be rooted in a user-friendly, readily accessible world. That makes the works even more alluring and attractive, even without the compelling color, form combos, and intriguing layering.

The Osnat Mozes award jurors also succinctly discerned that Rosenberg’s works “focus heavily on the relationship between the flat surface of a canvas and its capacity to generate visual illusions, balancing serious, painstaking inquiry with self-aware humor.”

Rosenberg goes along with the yin-yang observation of his creative machinations and what they deliver on his canvases. 

“I don’t always search for an image,” he notes. “Often, what is more important to me is the confluence between the materials and the colors, the contrasts.” 

That much is obvious from his collection at Artists’ House, with the former coming through in his use of rust in a couple of works. That adds substance and a softly abrasive dimension to the otherwise smooth outer layer, as well as enriching the palette purview, per se.

There is something of a balancing act across all the works of various ilks. Seemingly disparate color fusions produce an oxymoronic effect rather than dissonance; clearly defined shapes and shades reconcile with comfort, as do the straight-laced and tongue-in-cheek parts, and the stratified and more two-dimensional aesthetics.

Existential themes

It comes as no surprise to learn that October 7, 2023, themes, and subsequent regional altercations, feature prominently in the work of some of the artists in the season opener. 

The violence and repeated existential threats that appear to be our lot in this part of the world are core to Orit Livne’s portfolio. 

A cluster of postcard-sized paintings form part of her War Diary venture: “There were originally 40, corresponding to the 40 days of the war with Iran,” she explains. Her modestly proportioned slot on the middle floor at Artists’ House allowed room for just half of her thematic output. 

“I started on this on the first day of that war,” she adds. It was very much a here-and-now project. “The plan was to make one small painting each day, to complete it and not touch it again. Then I’d do another one [on the morrow].” 

Livne strays into spiritual realms when I ask about the numerical element: “The children of Israel wandered in the desert for 40 years, and the standard duration of quarantine is 40 days. Suddenly, 40 became an important number, with depth and meaning.”

She might have added that on his first ascent up Mount Sinai, Moses spent 40 days and 40 nights on the peak as God passed the Ten Commandments to humankind.

The small works start with a layer of oil paint, after which Livne erases parts with rags soaked in turpentine.

That process of reduction spawned imaginary scenes that gradually gave way to a more visually brighter view, suggesting a glimmer of better things to come shimmering just over the horizon. 

Diminishing the initial color application, for Livne, follows a philosophical take on life: “For me, erasure and reduction are a very important procedure. It is a sort of anti-material approach.” 

Her threesome on the upper floor, gleaned from her far larger Meanwhile series, follows the same technique: applying a top layer and painstakingly chipping away at it to produce unexpected nuances of form and shade.

As you spend time with the red-hued works, you begin to discern fetching floral shapes that emerge from the backdrop.

For this venture, Livne also used thinned paint that underscores the diminishing dynamic and conversely helps delineate the spectral figures of the flowers.

The images have a dream-like quality that seems to draw on the past and allude to fading memory.

Innocence reclaimed

On a far brighter, tender, life-affirming note, Julia Aronson’s Horizon drawing series takes us back to where we all began, and the most innocent and trusting phase of our existence on terra firma.

Her set takes a minute or two to work out, as the drawings initially conjure up thoughts of gently undulating terrain or something far more abstract.

The thematic scene gradually emerges as you note a baby’s head, from very close up, and the juxtaposition of the soft, pillowy flesh belonging to two human entities. 

The infant’s mouth is secured to its mother’s nipple as it latches onto its only source of life-giving nutrition. It is the most intimate of pairings, as they bask in a symbiosis of complete dependence and unconditional loving communion. 

“That is my last baby,” says the 46-year-old mother of three. “I am not going to have any more children, so I wanted to document it.” She managed that with gusto and abundant maternal love.

Many artistic presentations warrant a zoom-in, zoom-out viewing tactic to appreciate the technical minutiae that make up the whole. Horizon takes that to a completely different level. 

The snapshot of babe and breast recurs across the group of drawings, from different angles and perspectives. If you take a more graphic approach, you may home in on the dispassionate details. 

That, of course, is an important aspect of the aesthetic composition, but the spectator experience is immeasurably enhanced when you note that a small shaded spot is, in fact, a baby’s nostril.

There is a paradoxically fragmented continuum to the aligned frames that pull you this way and that as you try to work out the lay of the land – in real geomorphological terms – as your brain tries to balance the figurative and the nebulous.

There is more in the way of uncompromising parental safeguarding and love going on in Elkana Levi’s oil painting triad. 

Palette-wise, all three are dominated by shades of brown and olive green, a testament to the fact that he has spent much of the past three years in reserve military duty. 

Levi pulls nary a punch in conveying the reality of his ludicrously imbalanced lifestyle, trying to find the time and emotional wherewithal to glean some comfort from his quotidian – supposedly normal – life between donning his khaki uniform, slinging his rifle across his shoulder, and heading off for yet another stint on the frontlines. 

Noah’s Ark proffers a particularly touching scene in which Levi depicts himself in soldier garb, palpably at the end of his emotional and physical wits, slumped in a rocking chair. 

He holds a toy Noah’s ark in one hand and a paintbrush in the other, with his infant daughter resting in his lap. 

He looks exhausted, bewildered, and discombobulated by the never-ending seesaw logistics of his life, and appears to be unsure about what he should be doing away from the army. 

Should he make the most of his downtime by getting back to his creative pursuit, or should he be doing his best to compensate his child for the long periods when she had to make do without her dad?

The constant disruptions to his personal life are also clearly displayed, albeit in a more abstract form, in another canvas he calls Still Life in Respite, which shows a crumpled plastic bag filled with sweaty, dusty uniforms. 

And the large Untitled Soldier scene depicts a soldier bending over to tie his bootlaces. His rear end, unabashedly displayed front and center, evokes something almost post-human and conveys an air of despondency spawned by prolonged presence on the battlefield.

The paintings come from Levi’s self-explanatory series called Art in Respite. By definition, it has a documentary nature. 

“When I paint realistic works, I document the moment I get back home – with my emotions and what I bring back from the army.” 

It is a jarring point in time, and forms part of – in a probably unintentional curatorial juxtaposition with Livne’s postcard set – a wartime journal. 

“I can see how I was at the time of each painting,” Levi says. “In that way I can also follow my own growth and development.”

Diverse yet unified

Nitsan Ben-Zimra’s installation-fashioned collection on the ground floor comprises diverse objects, aesthetics, and textures, yet imparts a feeling of continuity and cohesion. 

The 30-year-old multidisciplinary artist makes optimal, intelligent use of the two rooms at her disposal in her We’ve Moved arrangement, displayed in a very physical structural sense. 

A diminutive needle-and-plaster set fuses what looks like an unfurled roll of cloth, with needles tidily inserted, with the white plaster of the wall on which it is mounted. 

The seamless edifice-artwork synthesis reappears in the second room where a metal plate, which has been subjected to some industrial-leaning treatment, with ostensibly peeling wallpaper or some other similar peripheral material, gives the impression of a substratum emerging as the whitewashed wall surface decays.

That is quite an optical trick, and Ben-Zimra is clearly blessed with sensitive and capable hands, as well as an eye for visual potential wherever she looks.

The large monochromatic ultra-blurry photograph which faces the so-called wall peeling item feeds off nocturnal urban sentiments and aesthetics the vast majority of us would miss – or dismiss – as uninteresting or even downright ugly. 

The artistic bottom line is the result of a somewhat convoluted process: printing the image on thermal paper before transferring it to a much larger format, which heightens the grainy, fuzzy quality of the image, adding mystery and intrigue while accentuating the manifold linear mélange.

The works, which also include a long piece of rope hung vertically on one of the walls that tapers toward the floor, and a distinctly defunct office desk propped up at an improbable angle with drawers that can never be opened, straddle the fine line between reality and fantasy, and original purpose and reinvention. 

All in all, that’s not a bad start to the Artists’ House new season and one which bodes well, at least in an artistic sense, for our continued existence in this part of the world.

The exhibitions close on November 7.
For more information: www.art.org.il

This post was originally published on here. 

As Israel’s largest regional council, Ramat HaNegev is home to approximately 10,500 residents spread across communities, kibbutzim, and farms covering 22% of Israel’s landmass. 

Few choose to live in the remote Negev highlands, especially in the Nitzana region of the council, which has five small, remote agricultural communities near the Egyptian border, including Kadesh Barnea (officially known as Nitzanei Sinai), which is only 300 meters away. 

But nearly four years ago, Noam Efrat, 33, chose to return to his roots and raise his own family in Kadesh Barnea. He handles the bright red, deliciously sweet cherry tomatoes from his family’s farm carefully before they are transported and sold in boutique shops in Tel Aviv.

An isolated moshav of 87 families, Noam, his wife, Noa, and their young son, Negev, enjoy the quiet that defines the desert landscape. The young family moved to the south from Metula in 2022. 

Working on his father’s cherry tomato farm today, Efrat recalled that, as a teenager, he dreamed of living as far away as possible from the Egyptian border community.

“I didn’t think as a teenager that I would end up working on my father’s farm as an adult. When you live in a rural area, you just want to escape and see the world,” Efrat told the Jerusalem Post Magazine in a recent interview.

While his childhood was filled with the freedom of roaming sand dunes with friends and learning to grow and take care of tomatoes in his family’s greenhouses, Efrat believed that life was waiting to happen in the fast-paced cities. After completing his army service, Efrat chose to live in central Israel.

“I lived in Florentin in Tel Aviv, but after a while, I understood that I did not like city life, so I moved to Metula in the north,” he said.

Efrat studied for a combined degree in computers and environmental sciences and met his wife at Tel Hai College.

Eventually, the couple moved back to Kadesh Barnea, and Efrat continued to his master’s degree in agroinformatics at Ben-Gurion University’s Sde Boker campus in Midreshet Ben-Gurion.

AS A TOMATO farmer who has also served over 300 days in IDF reserve duty since October 7, Efrat wakes up each day at 5:30 a.m. and drives five minutes away to his family’s meshek (farm). 

“The advantage is the short distance to work and no traffic along the way,” he said of living in Kadesh Barnea. “After two hours of early morning work, I get home by 8 so that I can take my son, Negev, to daycare, and then go back to work again until noon.” 

In the afternoon, Efrat returns to work in the greenhouses when it is less hot. “Our schedules are determined by the hours of sunlight – the moment the sun sets and it gets dark, we head back home.” 

Efrat said that living in Kadesh Barnea as a farmer is living the dream. But both his parents, Iftach and Celia, had no background in farming when they first moved from Beersheba to Kadesh Barnea over 30 years ago. 

Efrat’s mother, Celia, had made aliyah from São Paulo, Brazil. “She didn’t know that there were areas in the world as quiet as Kadesh Barnea, let alone in Israel. She had lived all her life in the city,” he recalled with a smile. “This quiet of the Negev desert was a bit of a shock for her.” 

Today, in addition to agricultural opportunities, residents of the Nitzana region also work in local tourism and education, and some even travel an hour to Beersheba for work. The Nitzana region is also known for its ancient Nabataean and Byzantine archeological and historical sites. 

Farmers experimented with growing different vegetables

When Efrat’s parents moved to the Nitzana region in 1995, the only employment opportunities were agricultural: “So my father learned how to grow cherry tomatoes, which was popular at the time. Farmers today mostly grow cucumbers, wine grapes, peppers, and salicornia (a succulent edible plant also known as sea asparagus).” 

Efrat also pointed out that over time, the farmers in his region experimented with growing different vegetables: “At first it wasn’t known if tomatoes could grow well in the Negev desert. In fact, tomatoes grow amazingly in greenhouses thanks to the desert temperatures. The cool desert nights really help with their growth.” 

In addition, the Nitzana region depends on brackish geothermal desert groundwater, as well as desalinated water, for agriculture and farming. The brackish water originates from local water sources around the Kadesh Barnea area. Water doesn’t have to be transported from far away, which saves money. 

“The salinated water actually makes for sweeter cherry tomatoes,” added Efrat. 

Tomato knowledge farming extends into another area

BUT EFRAT’S vast knowledge in Negev tomato farming also extends to another area: the history of the Nitzana region. Besides working on the family’s tomato farm, Efrat also helps run a project called Gesher L’Dorot (A Bridge for Generations), which documents the history and development of the Nitzana region. 

Efrat and several other locals are working to set up a digital archive that will be accessible online and include interviews with the original pioneers of the communities as well as photographs, videos, timelines, and other media documentation of the people who helped make this remote region thrive. 

“The idea for this archive began when I was living in the north, in Kibbutz Hagoshrim. I had an academic scholarship and one of the requirements was that I visit a senior citizen in the kibbutz once a week. His name was Itzhak, and he was one of founders of the kibbutz, and he was also very active with the kibbutz archive,” explained Efrat. 

“I thought that it was amazing that I could visit the Kibbutz Hagoshrim’s website and gain access to a wealth of information and photos about its history. It made me realize that I knew very little about the history of my own home and community, just the date of Kadesh Barnea’s establishment.”

The original community of Kadesh Barnea, named after the site where the Israelis camped and from where Moses sent out the 12 spies to scout the Land of Israel in the Bible, was established in Sinai in the 1970s. 

When the moshav was dismantled following the Egypt-Israel peace treaty, the original garin (group) of the founders wanted to remain together. They moved around several times in the Ramat HaNegev regional council, first settling in Nitzana, then Ashalim, and finally settling along the Egyptian border in 1986. 

Efrat explained that the original residents wanted to continue to use the name Kadesh Barnea for their new community, but a government committee in charge   of naming cities and small communities refused, citing that there was only one Kadesh Barnea and th at it had been in Sinai. So while Nitzanei Sinai became the official postal address, the residents continue to use Kadesh Barnea as the community’s name to this day. 

“Thanks to the Gesher L’Dorot project, I really got to know the elderly founders of the communities in the Nitzana region,” said Efrat. “It was a great opportunity to interview people in Ezuz, Be’er Milka, Nitzana, Kmehin, and of course my home community of Kadesh Barnea.”

WHILE THE BEAUTY and wholesome lifestyle of the western Negev is striking, Efrat does not overlook the challenges of living in the Nitzana region. Following the construction of Israel’s hi-tech border fence, dozens of drones fly over from Egypt to Israel, sometimes even dozens a day, carrying ammunition, drugs, and weapons, like M16 rifles, to Bedouin cartels in the south.

“There are drones and arms smuggling coming from the Egyptian border,” he noted. “Although this is considered a peaceful border, there are tensions because of the smuggling.” 

Another challenge is access to quality medical care.

“Our son Negev was born with a hearing disability. He needed specialized medical care and medical checkups that were not available to us in the south or in Beer Sheva,” explained Efrat. “We had to do Negev’s ear surgery in Jerusalem, where he was able to get the medical care he needed. You have to be prepared for a lot of time on the road if you’re in this kind of situation.”

But despite the challenges, Efrat and his wife are content raising Negev in Kadesh Barnea with grandparents Iftach and Celia next door. 

“All the traveling I did when I was younger to get as far away as possible from my moshav made me understand and appreciate how much I needed to get back home. We’re happy here,” Efrat concluded.■

The writer lives with her family in Midreshet Ben-Gurion in Ramat HaNegev, where she works as an English teacher and writes in her free time. She made aliyah from Calais, Maine, in 2004.

This post was originally published on here. 

National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir said Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu “hasn’t exactly answered my phone calls in recent weeks,” as tensions appear to have grown between the two allies ahead of Israel’s election.

Speaking on Miki Levin’s podcast for Maariv ahead of Yom Kippur, Ben-Gvir discussed the close relationship he previously had with Netanyahu, the change in their interactions, and what he believes caused the shift.

Over the past month, Ben-Gvir has published a series of videos on social media in which he appealed directly to Netanyahu and said he was concerned that after the election the prime minister could form a broad coalition with Gadi Eisenkot, leaving Otzma Yehudit outside the government.

“He did it in 2009,” said Ben-Gvir. “He went, left the National Union aside, and went with [former prime minister] Ehud Barak. In 2013, he did the same thing.”

Levin told Ben-Gvir she believes he is “carrying out a coordinated maneuver between you, because it serves both sides,” to which he replied, “No. Everything I do, you say it’s a maneuver.”

“You are constantly suspicious of the context, constantly suspicious of what is the opposite, but okay,” he said.

Ben-Gvir then discussed the video he posted addressing Netanyahu on the souring relationship, where he said, “Netanyahu, you don’t take pictures with me, you are boycotting me, it hurts me, I love you, I don’t deserve this, where is your respect?”

Ben-Gvir says he appreciates Netanyahu, learns ‘a lot’ from him

“Everything is fine,” he emphasized. “I appreciate Netanyahu. I learn a lot from him. He is 27 years older than me. He really is someone I appreciate as a leader. I am allowed to say these things to him. And in practice, I was also hurt. It’s not that I’m just saying these things.”

“His associates in the office whisper to him to stay away,” he added.

He noted that his relationship with Netanyahu was “very good” over the past two years but stopped “suddenly,” possibly because the prime minister “has other plans.”

“For four years, I completed his government; I built his government,” Ben-Gvir stated. “I have a problem with that approach. For four years, we entered the government and established a government thanks to the mandates. And in the past two and a half years especially, the relationship between us was very, very good.”

Levin noted that she remembered Netanyahu had called Ben-Gvir in the past to wish him a happy birthday.

“It’s much more than that,” Ben-Gvir said. “I sat with him on Fridays for four or five hours, until an hour before Shabbat. I told him: ‘Prime Minister, I have to leave, I have to get home. Ayala is in contact with Sara.’”

Ben-Gvir wishes to remain in Netanyahu-led government despite tensions

Ben-Gvir said he still wants to remain part of a government led by Netanyahu despite the personal tensions, arguing that policy issues matter more than his relationship with the prime minister.

“First of all, the prime minister is the prime minister of Israel, and I have a great deal of respect for him,” he declared. “And despite the fact that he does not want to take pictures with me, I think there are things here that are in the interest of all of Israel. The appointment of the legal adviser and the appointment of Supreme Court justices are more important to me than my personal honor. Yes, he hurts me. Yes, it annoys me. Yes, it angers me.

“It is very difficult for me that we were – I won’t say friends, but we were in a very, very good relationship – and suddenly it stopped,” he concluded.

This post was originally published on here. 

Hundreds of Jewish community leaders and residents are currently protesting outside of New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s home to demonstrate their support for Israel and bring attention to rising antisemitism in the city.

The event was prompted by an increase in attacks on Jews this summer, which included a stabbing near a synagogue on the Upper West Side of Manhattan and a disruption of services at the Great Refrom Synagogue in August.

Rabbi Benjamin Kraus of SAR told reporters that, “We are here. This is the largest city in the Diaspora, and we are not going anywhere.”

Organizers of the protest said its goal is “for students to show that they are proud to be New Yorkers, Jews and Zionists and to continue to be so – regardless of what others say.”

Some parents and Alumni of the Ramaz Jewish school, which helped to organize some of the protest, saw the event as a political protest against Mamdani and signed a petition to cancel it.

Mamdani ‘welcomes’ the protesters 

When asked about the planned protest earlier this week, Mamdani responded, “I welcome them. They can hold a prayer rally, or I’ve heard some even describe it as a protest. Whatever it is, they have a place to do it outside the Gracie Mansion.”

Mamdani also added in the same conversation that he would “probably be somewhere else across the city.”

The timing of the event comes just days before Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s scheduled visit to New York City to speak at the United Nations General Assembly. 

Mamdani had previously called for Netanyahu’s arrest following arrest warrants put out by the International Criminal Court for Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for alleged war crimes committed in Gaza.

When reporters asked whether he would join or call for protests during the prime minister’s visit to the city, Mamdani said, “To New Yorkers, I have never encouraged them to protest,” he said. “What I have always told them is that they have the right to do so in the city. We respect that right. And this is a city that is proud of the Constitution, proud of the First Amendment; we’ll continue to do so.”

This post was originally published on here. 

Former Georgetown standout and NBA first-round draft pick Michael Sweetney died this week at the age of 43.

He passed away on Wednesday in New Jersey at Newark Beth Israel Medical Center. No cause of death was provided.

A 6-foot-8 power forward, Sweetney played two seasons each with the New York Knicks and Chicago Bulls.

The Knicks are saddened to hear about the passing of Michael Sweetney.

Michael was an incredible person who will be missed by many. Our thoughts are with his family. pic.twitter.com/T071Ie4SnL

— NEW YORK KNICKS (@nyknicks) September 17, 2026

The Knicks drafted Sweetney ninth overall in 2003 after he averaged 22.8 points, 10.4 rebounds, and 3.2 blocks for the Hoyas as a junior in 2002-03.

“The Knicks are saddened to hear about the passing of Michael Sweetney,” the team posted on X on Thursday. “Michael was an incredible person who will be missed by many. Our thoughts are with his family.”

Sweetney averaged 18.2 points and 9.2 rebounds in 96 games (95 starts) at Georgetown (2000-03). He averaged 6.5 points and 4.5 rebounds in 233 games (73 starts) with the Knicks (2003-05) and Bulls (2005-07).

“Our Bulls family extends our heartfelt condolences to the family and friends of former Bull Michael Sweetney, who has passed away at 43,” the team posted on X on Thursday.

Sweetney continued basketball career as Yeshiva assistant coach

After continuing his pro career in Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, Uruguay and Venezuela, Sweetney served as an assistant coach at Yeshiva University in New York City from 2019-23.

“The world lost a giant today,” Yeshiva head coach Elliot Steinmetz posted on X on Thursday. “I lost a close friend. The basketball world lost a beloved star. Our Jewish community lost an ally and someone who knew exactly how to show up. Mike Sweetney wasn’t just a friend. He was family. When you needed him, he was there. Always. You didn’t even have to ask.”

This post was originally published on here. 

Artists in Gaza have painted a mural of Macklemore wrapped in a Palestinian flag on a huge slab of concrete in the ruins of Gaza City, after the US rapper was kicked off Ed Sheeran’s upcoming tour for calling for a “Free Palestine.”

The mural, on a slab that leans against ruined buildings surrounded by rubble, depicts the “Thrift Shop” rapper raising a fist in the air.

“Thank you for using your voice for Palestine,” it reads.

“We wanted to send a message to thank rapper Macklemore in this simple way,” said Anne Redwan, 26, who designed and painted the mural with fellow artist Qusai al-Helo.

“As an artist living under siege here in Gaza, we are waiting for support from anyone who can see (the) persecution we live under,” she told Reuters. “We can paint murals bigger than this to express our feelings.”

Macklemore, who has long supported Palestinian causes, was cut from British pop star Sheeran’s musical lineup over remarks on stage criticizing Israel’s military assault in Gaza, which was launched after Hamas-led fighters attacked Israel in October 2023.

Macklemore removed from tour dates amid pushback

Sheeran said he was unable to keep Macklemore on the tour after stadium owners refused to let him appear. US billionaire Robert Kraft, owner of Gillette Stadium in Massachusetts where his New England Patriots football team plays, said he had barred Macklemore from appearing there for antisemitism, which the rapper denies.

Nearly a year after a ceasefire ended major fighting in Gaza, reconstruction has yet to begin. Most buildings have been destroyed, and more than two million residents are confined to around a third of the enclave’s territory, mostly in tents or crowded rooms in damaged buildings among the ruins.

A US-brokered plan to end the war has stalled, with negotiators failing to agree on conditions for Hamas to disarm and Israel to withdraw its troops.

Gaza aid donations emerge amid Sheeran, Macklemore fallout

The furor over Sheeran’s tour has led to a series of pledges from those involved to send money. Macklemore said on Wednesday he would donate his $1 million in net earnings from the tour to six aid groups supporting Gaza.

Kraft, in turn, said Sheeran had told him he would donate $2 million for aid in the region, and had asked him to match the pledge. Sheeran has not commented on any donations. Macklemore’s donation drew a matching $1 million pledge from Ms Rachel, a popular children’s TV personality.

Aid agency officials said the boost in celebrity attention could help bring more support to Gaza, where nearly all residents rely on aid for food, water, medical care and shelter.

“But what’s really most important is that people who have been so generous keep fighting over a sustained time,” said Toby Fricker, a local official with UNICEF. “That’s why we really call for sustained support, not one-off peaks, but sustained.”

Macklemore’s solidarity seen as more significant than donation

Hussein Murtaja, who runs a Gaza humanitarian group that provides mental health support to children, said Macklemore’s solidarity matters more than the money he donated.

“When artists of this stature, with this many followers or fans, all come to know more about the cause, and support reaching a political solution, support achieving peace for the people of Gaza… That means a great deal to us.”

This post was originally published on here. 

Qatar signed an agreement with the United Nations to deliver about 1.3 million liters of fuel to the Gaza Strip, the Qatari Foreign Ministry announced Thursday.

According to the announcement, the fuel will be transferred as a grant on behalf of Doha and is intended to support humanitarian needs and the health system in Gaza.

The Foreign Ministry of Qatar said the grant is intended to enable the continuation of essential services and humanitarian operations. Qatar also aims to help entities operating on the ground provide services to Gazans.

Part of the fuel will be allocated to operate hospitals and medical centers, as well as other essential systems and services that depend on a regular energy supply.

According to Doha, the move continues Qatar’s aid program for the Gaza Strip. The statement said that Qatar had supplied Gaza with approximately 30 million liters of fuel from October 7, 2023, until the end of March 2026. 

Details relating to the distribution of the fuel remain undisclosed 

In February of last year, Qatar announced the supply of an additional 15 million liters of fuel to Gaza, which then increased the total volume in the area to 30 million liters.

Qatar stated that 2.1 million Palestinians, including children, women, the elderly, and the disabled, could benefit from health services and other humanitarian assistance that require fuel. 

However, the statement did not specify when or how the fuel would be transported to Gaza or which UN agency would be responsible for distributing it.

This post was originally published on here. 

The European Union’s foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, said on Friday that the EU naval mission in the Red Sea, Operation Aspides, has raised the alert level for its vessels after the situation in the area worsened.

“Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia are unacceptable and sabotage the global economy,” she said in a post on X.

She added that she had spoken with Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud about diplomatic efforts to end the fighting in Yemen and restore freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz.

Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia are unacceptable and sabotage the global economy.

I spoke with @FaisalbinFarhan about diplomatic efforts to end the fighting in Yemen and restore freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. Maritime passage must be unimpeded and toll-free.…

— Kaja Kallas (@kajakallas) September 18, 2026

The Houthis have expanded their foothold around the Red Sea in recent weeks, capturing several strategically important locations near the Bab al-Mandab Strait, including Perim Island, which sits at the center of the narrow waterway.

The Iran-backed group has also taken control of the Greater Hanish and Lesser Hanish islands, giving it additional positions from which to observe activity around one of the world’s most vital maritime routes.

Houthi positions increase risks for vessels crossing Bab al-Mandab

The Bab al-Mandab remains open to commercial shipping, and the Houthis do not currently have the ability to completely shut down traffic through the strait. Their growing presence in the area, however, gives them better surveillance capabilities and more opportunities to threaten specific vessels.

The strait, which separates the Red Sea from the Gulf of Aden, is only around 18 miles wide at its narrowest point. It serves as a key connection between the Indian Ocean and the Suez Canal, with energy shipments equivalent to roughly 7% of global oil consumption typically passing through the route.

By controlling areas including Mocha, Dhubab, Perim Island, and the Hanish islands, the Houthis have increased their ability to track maritime movement and create uncertainty for commercial operators. Shipping firms and insurers factor these risks into their decisions, sometimes raising costs or avoiding routes altogether when they believe a vessel could become a target.

Houthis use growing foothold to pressure Saudi Arabia

The Houthis have also sought to use their strengthened position to pressure Saudi Arabia, including through attacks targeting the kingdom’s infrastructure and renewed threats against Saudi territory, including remarks involving Mecca.

The situation illustrates the broader impact of the Houthi threat, even without the group fully controlling the maritime passage. The risk of attack alone was enough to influence decisions by shipping companies, insurers, financial institutions, and logistics operators.

Anna Barsky contributed to this report. 

This post was originally published on here. 

Likud filed a petition against Gadi Eisenkot and his Yashar party, demanding the removal of three election campaign videos about Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s conduct in the period leading up to the October 7 massacre.

The petition was submitted to Supreme Court Justice Noam Sohlberg, chairman of Israel’s Central Elections Committee.

Likud claims the videos present journalistic sources and Netanyahu’s remarks in a partial and misleading manner, amounting to “unfair interference” with the party’s election campaign.

Attorneys Ilan Bombach and Inbal Amit filed the petition on Likud’s behalf. The party is also seeking an interim order requiring the videos to be removed while the case is under consideration.

Likud’s allegations focus largely on how the videos edited and presented the sources they relied on.

According to the petition, the three videos were posted on Eisenkot’s Facebook, Instagram, X/Twitter, and TikTok accounts. Each opens with an image of Netanyahu and the question, “Netanyahu, tell us, do you remember this?” The Yashar party’s logo appears at the end against a background featuring the color associated with its campaign.

Likud claims clips taken out of context

Likud cites the distribution of the videos across four social media platforms as one of the factors demonstrating what it describes as its campaign nature. 

The first video displays a headline stating, “Two months before the massacre: Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) chief gave Netanyahu ‘a warning of war,’” alongside a reference to a report published by Ynet News.

Likud argues that the words “two months before the massacre” do not appear in the original source and that the reference to “a warning of war” appeared there in a different context.

The video is based on a column that stated: “After all, if Ronen Bar truly believed what he told Netanyahu, ‘I am giving you a warning of war today.’”

The petition claims the video reworded the statement, while the website’s name and publication date appeared alongside it. Likud argues that this could give viewers the impression that the wording shown in the video appeared in the original article.

The second video displays the text, “Netanyahu two weeks before the massacre: The goal is a quiet holiday period,” alongside a reference to a report by N12 News.

Likud claims this wording also does not appear in the original report and that the statement was not presented there as a direct quote from Netanyahu.

The petition also raises questions about the timeline. Likud claims the original source refers to discussions held in September 2023 that do not correspond with the framing of “two weeks before the massacre.” According to the party, the video includes wording that did not appear in the report, alongside its identifying details.

The third video uses a clip from a 2023 Netanyahu interview on the Israeli television program “The Patriots.” Netanyahu was asked about a Military Intelligence assessment that the threat of war was increasing and responded: “I think this is being exaggerated.” The excerpt in the video ends there.

ער??? pic.twitter.com/RUcAI2BwT0

— Gadi Eisenkot – גדי איזנקוט (@gadi_eisenkot) September 14, 2026

The petition quotes part of Netanyahu’s later response, which the video omitted. Netanyahu said Israel “always prepares for this possibility” and was prepared “to deal with it from all directions.”

“I think they understand that it is not a good idea to start a war with the State of Israel,” he later added.

Likud argues that ending the clip immediately after the words “I think this is being exaggerated” leaves viewers with a partial response that excludes Netanyahu’s remarks immediately afterward.

Based on these three examples, Likud claims the external sources were edited in a way that changed how their content was presented to viewers. The petition argues that the wording created for the videos appears to have been taken directly from the original sources, creating what Likud describes as an “alternative reality.”

Likud’s legal argument centers on whether the videos accurately presented their sources. The petition states that “truth in advertising is not the standard” in this case.

According to the party, altered wording presented as though it appeared in a news report, or the editing of a source in a way that changes the meaning of the material, could be considered “unfair interference” with a rival party’s campaign under Section 13 of Israel’s Elections Law governing campaign methods.

Likud added that reasonable voters cannot be expected to locate the original reports and interviews and compare them with the videos. The party argues that displaying the name of the news outlet, the publication date, and the original footage gives the wording used in the videos a factual and credible appearance.

Sohlberg must determine whether the use of external sources in this case exceeds the permissible limits of editing in an election campaign. At this stage, the claims remain Likud’s allegations, and no ruling has been issued.

Likud asks for immediate removal of videos 

Likud is asking Sohlberg to order the removal of the videos while the petition is being considered. The party based its request on the nature of social media distribution, arguing that videos can accumulate views, be widely shared, and continue circulating online.

It maintains that removing the videos later would not reverse the effects of their distribution. The petition notes that if the case ends with its rejection, Eisenkot and his party would still be able to republish the videos.

Before filing the petition, Likud contacted Eisenkot and demanded that he remove the videos by 10 a.m. on September 17. Eisenkot’s attorney responded at 9:23 that morning: “Confirming receipt. We will respond, but not by 10 a.m.”

Likud claimed it had received no substantive response by the time it filed the petition and that the videos remained online.

The petition also criticizes the response to Likud’s earlier demand. Likud described the reply, which was sent shortly before its deadline, as “unacceptable” and argued that it carried “an unpleasant scent of an attempt to neutralize the risk that an interim order would be issued.”

The party asked Sohlberg to consider ordering the respondents to pay its legal expenses because of how they handled the request, regardless of the case’s final outcome.

The central question is whether the editing and framing of the three videos amount to “unfair interference” with Likud’s election campaign under the Elections Law. The ruling could also affect how news reports, quotations, and interviews may be used in Israeli election campaigns.

This post was originally published on here. 

Saudi Aramco has told at least two European oil refining customers they will receive no Saudi crude shipments next month after an attack on the kingdom’s key East-West pipeline, Bloomberg reported Friday. 

The customers typically receive Saudi crude through long-term supply agreements, which provide regular monthly deliveries. People familiar with the matter told Bloomberg that those allocations will not be provided next month.

Saudi Aramco did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Saudi Arabia shut down its East-West pipeline last week after drones targeted the facility. The pipeline is expected to resume partial operations within days and return to full capacity within six weeks, according to a person familiar with the situation who spoke on Wednesday. 

While oil and security sources previously said two pumping stations were damaged in the attack, a Reuters analysis of satellite imagery identified damage at three stations, sources confirmed in a Reuters report on Thursday. 

European refineries that purchase Saudi crude typically receive shipments through Egypt’s Mediterranean port of Sidi Kerir, which is linked to the Red Sea by pipeline infrastructure.

Aramco customers seek alternative oil sources

The disruption has prompted some Aramco customers to seek alternative sources of supply. Poland’s Orlen SA has issued more than 10 tenders since Friday as it looks to secure replacement crude shipments.

European countries belonging to the OECD imported 577,000 barrels per day of Saudi crude in June, according to the International Energy Agency’s monthly Oil Market Report.

The pipeline has provided Saudi Arabia with a vital alternative to the Strait of Hormuz, reducing reliance on a narrow maritime chokepoint through which a significant share of global energy supplies passes.

Any further decline in Saudi crude exports could add pressure to an already strained global energy market, potentially driving higher fuel prices, increasing inflation concerns, and contributing to greater volatility in financial markets.

This post was originally published on here. 

A crucial part of the Book of Jonah, which we read during the afternoon service on Yom Kippur, is the big fish that swallowed the prophet.

I think I can understand something of what Jonah felt when that creature approached him, because I once found myself in a somewhat similar situation in the Philippines.

I was so close to a whale that I could have reached out and touched it. Even now I find it hard to believe. I have always been wary of large animals, more than my wife is frightened of cockroaches.

As a child, I read Herman Melville’s masterpiece Moby-Dick, and his descriptions planted a fear of whales deep inside me. From then on, a whale belonged to books, distant oceans, and nightmares. The closest a person like me usually comes to a whale is when, during Sukkot, we add to Birkat Hamazon the verse: “May the Merciful One deem us worthy to dwell beneath the shelter of Leviathan’s hide.”

Years ago, I took my children to SeaWorld in Orlando, where we watched a performance by Shamu, a trained killer whale confined to an enormous pool. He was immense, but he was behind glass, inside a world constructed for him and for the people watching.

So when I was invited to swim and snorkel with whales in the Philippines, I felt like someone accustomed to seeing lions behind bars, suddenly invited to walk through an open safari among free-roaming lions and tigers.

We arrived in Donsol late at night. The next morning I stepped out of my room and found myself on the shore of the ocean. The air was hot and wet. Salt hung in the air, mingling with the heavy, green smell of tropical vegetation. The sea was almost perfectly still, painted by the first light in shades of blue and gray. A few small boats rested offshore. Somewhere deep in the jungle behind us came the calls of birds, and the distant, muffled cries of monkeys.

Everything was too quiet. It was the kind of quiet that makes you feel something is about to happen. There, in that strange and beautiful morning, I prayed Shacharit alone, and studied my Daf Yomi.

‘Dive! Go down!’: A dark shape, a movement, a spout of water

Later, my companions woke, and we walked down to the pier. I could still smell the sea and hear the small waves tapping against the wooden pilings. None of us yet knew what the creature we were looking for would look like.

We climbed aboard a banca, a long, narrow Filipino boat fitted with bamboo outriggers for stability. Four passengers and three crew members occupied each boat. High on the mast, the spotter scanned the open water. He squinted into the glare, looking for a dark shape, a movement, a spout of water.

When he spotted one, the guide told us to jump.

We slipped into the water wearing the snorkel masks and plastic fins they had provided. We put our faces into the water and saw nothing. The water was extraordinarily clear. For the first two meters, I could see a long way, but the deeper we went, the blue grew darker, then almost black. There was no seabed beneath us. Nothing to orient myself by. Only water. A great deal of water.

Then the guide shouted: “Dive! Go down!”

I dipped less than a meter beneath the surface of the water. And then, from my right, something enormous appeared. A creature the size of a bus.

For a few seconds, my mind simply refused to understand what my eyes were seeing. It did not burst from a storm. No whirlpool, no sudden explosion of water, no warning. It simply emerged from the dark blue, immense and utterly silent.

Its mouth was wide open. Not like the mouth of a fish I knew, but like a vast black opening in the water, something cavernous and bottomless, moving slowly toward us. Its skin was black, scattered with pale markings as large as dinner plates.

I felt the fear before I could even name it. My body stopped responding. I froze. I could not kick. I could not turn. For one terrible moment, I could not even remember to breathe.

The creature kept coming. Slowly. Silently. Something deeply frightening about that silence. It was not attacking. It did not need to. It moved with the absolute confidence of an animal that feared nothing in its world.

And I suddenly understood something that made the fear worse: I was in its world.

It passed directly beneath me, perhaps a meter away. I could see its immense body sliding through the water, so close that every instinct in me screamed to get away. But there was nowhere to go. No ground beneath my feet. No wall. No railing. No boat to climb onto. Nothing. Just blue water between me and the surface, and that enormous black body moving underneath me.

I wanted to swim away. I couldn’t. I wanted to shout. I couldn’t. I was completely, helplessly still.

Only after I climbed back into the boat did I realize that my heart was pounding as though I had just sprinted a kilometer.

And then, with a strange excitement, I thought of Jonah. For the first time in my life, I realized that I had seen with my own eyes something like what he might have seen before the great fish swallowed him. The mouth of our fish was large enough, I thought, to accommodate three people.

There were two differences. It did not swallow me. And the waters of Donsol Bay are far clearer than those of the Mediterranean near Jaffa.

My biblical thoughts were interrupted by the guide shouting that we should prepare for another dive. Another fish had been spotted.

We jumped.

Again came that impossible vision: an enormous head approaching through the water, a black body stippled with white, moving beside us, and my heart beginning to beat faster than I would have liked.

As I watched the great head pass beneath me, I suddenly saw its dorsal fin approaching me directly from the left.

This time fear was not a thought. It was a physical reaction. I swam forward as fast as I could. The fin passed just behind my legs. Water flooded my mask. It entered my nose. I scrambled upward and broke the surface, breathing hard.

‘Like a kitchen grater with large teeth rubbing against the skin’

Later we learned that one of our group had not noticed the fin approaching him. It brushed against his abdomen. Had he been half a meter deeper, that enormous fin might have struck and dragged him.

Frightening…

He described the contact as “Like a kitchen grater with large teeth rubbing against the skin.”

The experience of swimming with the whales is called butanding. It is a whale shark, the largest fish in the world. Whale sharks come to Donsol Bay every year between March and July.

Later we saw two more. One rested two or three meters below us, as small as a family SUV. When we approached, it began slowly to move away. This time I was no longer afraid. Something inside me had begun to adjust to the sheer scale of the animal.

I swam above it for almost a minute without touching it. The guide had warned us to “keep your hands to yourselves” (shemirat negi’a), as though he was a mashgiach (supervisor) at a yeshiva.

The whale surged ahead of me, until its enormous body had completely passed beneath me. Then the fish slowed. It seemed almost as if it were playing with me, allowing me to close the distance. I continued swimming above it and diving beside it, and for about a hundred meters we moved together.

I remember the sensation clearly: I was a small man wearing fins and a mask, and beside me was a creature so enormous that it could have crushed me without the slightest intention of doing so. And yet, for those moments, I had the strange feeling that it was comfortable with me too.

Fear gave way to wonder. The experience was overwhelming and unforgettable. In some strange physical sense, I had fulfilled the verse: “There is that leviathan, whom thou hast made to play therein,” from Barchi Nafshi (Psalm 104:26).

Since then, every Yom Kippur, when we listen to the reading of the Book of Jonah, I feel different from the way I felt before that extraordinary encounter with the whale shark, and different from what the congregation beside me is feeling and thinking.

And every Rosh Hodesh, and every holiday, when we recite the Barchi Nafshi, I have a different kavanah, a different intention, than I once did. I now know what a “leviathan” looks like. I know what it feels like when one passes beneath you in deep, silent water. And I know that a verse I have read dozens of times can one day step out of the prayer book, step out of the Bible, and swim directly beneath you.

Yom Kippur will never be quite the same again.

The author is the creator of the JewishTraveler blog.

This post was originally published on here. 

The United States has the sovereign right to deny entry to particular individuals on legitimate security or legal grounds, whether they are Palestinian, Israeli, or of any other nationality. Yet a broad restriction directed at an entire people would be neither wise nor constructive.

Such a policy would silence precisely the Palestinian voices America should want to hear: those who reject violence, seek peaceful engagement, support political reform, and believe that ballots – not bullets – must determine the future of the Palestinian people.

Regarding PA President Mahmoud Abbas specifically, I understand that denying him a visa may be intended to exert pressure on the Palestinian leadership to undertake long-overdue reforms. Yet pressure is effective only when it is paired with a clear, constructive policy that supports democratic change.

Today, the most meaningful opportunity for Palestinian reform is already before us.

Abbas has called legislative elections for November 28 – the first such elections in two decades. Several powerful figures within the Palestinian political establishment are now seeking to postpone or cancel them. Some are reportedly attempting to enlist the US or influential regional countries, including Saudi Arabia, as ones asking to close the democratic door once again.

Washington should not allow its name to be used for this purpose.

Abbas only senior Palestinian leader committed to November 28 election date

Abbas currently stands almost alone among senior Palestinian leaders in keeping the election date. On this issue, he deserves international support. A clear public statement from US President Donald Trump endorsing free, inclusive, and credible Palestinian elections on its determined date, November 28, could be decisive. It could prevent those who fear change from claiming that America demands cancellation or that regional circumstances require it.

If Washington genuinely wants Palestinian reform, it must do more than punish the failures of the existing leadership. It should empower the Palestinian people to choose a new one.

We have already seen the consequences of closing this door.

Palestinian elections scheduled for 2021 were postponed indefinitely. Their cancellation did not create the catastrophe of October 7, 2023, and it would be irresponsible to draw such a simple line of causation. But it deepened the political vacuum, weakened moderate voices, destroyed public confidence, and reinforced Hamas’s argument that change could never be achieved through democratic or peaceful means.

When ballot boxes are closed, extremists offer other boxes – filled with weapons, funerals, and false promises.

We must not repeat that mistake.

A new Palestinian generation is now searching for a different path. Our political movement, Masar Jadid – New Path – was created to answer that demand. In approximately one month, more than 1,200 Palestinians from Jerusalem, Gaza, the West Bank, and the diaspora joined our movement. Most are young. Many are women, students, professionals, academics, entrepreneurs, and people entering political life for the first time.

They are joining because New Path offers ideas rarely stated so clearly in Palestinian politics: democracy, transparency, peaceful transfer of power, an independent judiciary, and one legitimate authority governed by one law and possessing one weapon.

We reject both corruption and extremism. We believe Palestinian interests are better served by dialogue and persuasion than by violence. We support a demilitarized Palestinian state, regional economic integration, and a negotiated two-state solution that provides Palestinians with freedom and dignity while ensuring security for Israelis.

These ideas are attracting support because hundreds of thousands of Palestinians have lost confidence in everything around them but have not yet lost their desire for a better future. They no longer trust the traditional factions. They are tired of being asked to choose between failed government and endless resistance, between stagnation and destruction. They want a third choice: democratic change.

Trump’s recently announced peace initiative has awakened genuine hope that the region may finally move from managing conflict to building a new future. Yet no regional peace architecture can endure if Palestinians remain politically excluded and denied the right to renew their own leadership.

Reconstruction, investment, demilitarization, and regional cooperation all require legitimate Palestinian institutions. Foreign governments cannot impose legitimacy, and aging political elites cannot inherit it indefinitely. It must come from the people.

Trump understands the political power of a mandate from the voters. He also understands that peace requires breaking with failed formulas and confronting entrenched interests. Supporting Palestinian elections would not be a concession to the PA. It would be an investment in a new Palestinian leadership capable of becoming a credible partner for peace.

Trump should therefore state clearly that the US supports holding the November 28 elections on time; that it expects all Palestinian institutions and regional partners to facilitate them; that Jerusalemites and Gazans must be included; and that Washington will judge emerging Palestinian forces by their commitment to democracy, nonviolence, reform, and peace.

Such a declaration could save the election. It could also save lives.

Upcoming Palestinian elections must not be canceled

Canceling elections would tell another generation of Palestinians that peaceful political change is impossible. That message would open the gates of despair and accelerate the next regional earthquake. Supporting elections would send the opposite message: that moderation has allies, peaceful change is possible, and Palestinian society will not remain permanently trapped between authoritarian stagnation and armed extremism.

I continue to believe that Trump can achieve a historic peace in the Middle East – and that the world may one day remember him for doing so. Perhaps such an achievement would even earn the recognition of the Nobel Peace Prize.

But the most meaningful prize would be a generation of Palestinian and Israeli children who grow up knowing politics instead of war, ballots instead of bullets, and hope instead of fear.

Mr. President, do not allow the door to Palestinian democracy to be closed again. Your public support can keep it open – and help change the future of the Middle East.

Samer Sinijlawi is a Palestinian political figure from Jerusalem and the founder and president of Masar Jadid (New Path), a Palestinian political movement advocating democracy, nonviolence, reform, and regional peace.

This post was originally published on here. 

I joined Likud on the day I received my teudat zehut (ID card). I had not signed a lease yet. I had no bank account, no Hebrew worth speaking, and a mattress on a yeshiva’s floor. But I had the card, and I had the membership form, and I filled out the form first.

If you made aliyah, you understand why. Nobody moves to Israel for the salary. You come because you believe something, and once you are here, you want your belief to have a vote. I came out of Zionism.

But the reason I walked into public life, and the reason I chose that party and not another, had four parts: a free economy that brings prices down instead of managing them; sovereignty in the Land of Israel; victory over our enemies – real victory, not a ceasefire with a countdown; and an army in which every mother’s son serves, because a Jewish state that excuses one community from its own defense has stopped being one people.

Those four things are what I went into politics for, and they are what kept me there through wars, funerals, and the price of cottage cheese. I gave up my seat in the Knesset over the fourth one.

And I have reached a conclusion that took me a long time and cost me most of my political friendships: the party I joined that morning still says all four things, and works, actively and deliberately, to make sure none of them happen.

If you believe in those values, the address has moved to Yisrael Beytenu. Let me show you why, one value at a time, with the record and not with adjectives.

I’ll start with victory, because it is the one that keeps me up at night.

In December 2016, Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman sent a memo to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the chief of staff, and the head of military intelligence.

‘severe mistake with far-reaching consequences’

It said that Hamas “plans to move the next conflict into Israel’s territory, with significant, well-trained forces, such as the Nukhba force, into Israeli territory, while conquering an Israeli village, and perhaps several, in the Gaza envelope and taking hostages.”

It said that failing to act was “a severe mistake with far-reaching consequences,” possibly worse than “the results of the Yom Kippur War.”

Read that again. The Nukhba. The villages. The hostages. Seven years before October 7.

He was told the memo was not serious.

Two years later, in November 2018, after 500 rockets were fired on the south, the same cabinet accepted a ceasefire and let Qatari cash cross into Gaza in suitcases. Liberman called it “purely $15 million of terror funding.” He said the government was “feeding a monster” and “buying quiet for a heavy price with no long-term plan.”

Then he did something no one else in that room did: he resigned. He called the deal “a capitulation to terror,” and he walked out of the Defense Ministry rather than put his name on it.

One party wrote the warning and paid for it with a ministry. The other party received the warning, called it unserious, and paid for it with Be’eri and Nir Oz. That is the record. Everything else is noise.

Soverignty. For 15 years, the promise was made at every campaign stop in Efrat and every parlor meeting in Ra’anana. And for 15 years, one man stood between the promise and the vote. Netanyahu blocked the bills his own MKs brought. He took sovereignty off the table in 2020 and called it statesmanship. 

Liberman lives in Nokdim. His party left Ariel Sharon’s government over the disengagement when most of the right found reasons to stay. On the land, one party has a slogan and one party has a home address.

The economy. As finance minister, Liberman opened the country to imports, broke the agricultural lobby that had beaten every minister before him, and left a smaller deficit than he found. The coalition that followed paid for its survival with billions in coalition funds for institutions that do not work and do not serve, taken from the families in Modi’in and Beit Shemesh who do both. 

That same coalition caved to the lobbies and canceled the reforms that were supposed to lower your prices. Why? Because those lobbies had joined Likud in large numbers, and the party answered to its members before it answered to anyone else. Ze’ev Jabotinsky wrote about the dignity of the free citizen. He did not write about patronage with a Likud stamp.

And lastly, service. In 2019, Liberman refused to enter a government without the draft law passing as written. The country went to a second election over it, and he was mocked for stubbornness. Inside the Likud, I fought the exemption law, lost my seats in committees for it, and finally voted against the exemption laws rather than toe the party line.

On this one issue, there is exactly one party on the Right with a written red line and a record of losing power to keep it.

Some of you are thinking: the Russian party. Yes. We are led by a Russian-speaking oleh who made the most Zionist decision a Jew can make, the same one you made. Half of our top 10 are olim, including me, from Canada.

But we are not only a party for olim. We are a party of all Israelis: a bereaved father from Beit She’an at number two, a Druze veteran, the mayor of Metula, a third of the list religious-Zionist. Secular, religious, and traditional at one table, and everyone at that table serves.

I did not change. My values did not change. I went looking for the place where they are still fought for, and where people pay for them when it costs. I found it.

We did not make aliyah to watch the right say our words and bury our values. On October 27, vote for the values. They have an address.

The writer is a former member of Knesset and number 10 on the Yisrael Beytenu list.

This post was originally published on here. 

The 42nd Haifa International Film Festival will bring the most celebrated movies from the world’s major festivals to Haifa alongside new Israeli films, documentaries, genre movies, and classics. Originally scheduled for September 26 to October 3 during Sukkot, the organizers added an extra day of screenings on September 25 due to demand.

The festival will open with the Israeli premiere of Avi Nesher’s Our Loves, fresh from its warmly received world premiere at the Toronto International Film Festival earlier this month. Nesher will also receive the Haifa festival’s Lifetime Achievement Award for cinematic excellence and his contribution to Israeli culture at the opening-night ceremony, hosted by Lior Ashkenazi.

Our Loves’ narrative begins on October 6, 2023, focusing on several characters who think they are having the worst day of their lives, and blends drama, romance, and comedy as they cope with a situation worse than their worst nightmares.

Artistic director Yaron Shamir has made sure that the international program is extremely strong, featuring many of the most talked-about movies of the year. Danny Boyle, the director of Trainspotting, 28 Days Later, and Slumdog Millionaire, has made a movie set in the cutthroat world of UK tabloid journalism with Ink. The film, which opened the Venice Film Festival, is set in 1969 and dramatizes the transformation of Britain’s Sun newspaper under Rupert Murdoch, played by Guy Pearce.

Olivier Assayas’s The Wizard of the Kremlin spotlights a different kind of political history, starring Paul Dano as Vadim Baranov, an artist and television producer who becomes a political strategist for a rising Vladimir Putin, played by Jude Law. Based on Giuliano da Empoli’s novel, it follows the creation of the political mythology surrounding the Russian leader.

Pierre Salvadori’s ‘The Electric Kiss’ gives viewers an escape from politics

For viewers who would rather escape politics altogether, Pierre Salvadori’s The Electric Kiss, which opened Cannes this year, offers a Parisian romantic comedy set in 1928 about a grieving painter, a fake psychic, and a series of fraudulent séances.

If you have enjoyed eating Hershey bars, you can now learn the story of the founder of the iconic chocolate company in Hershey: Mark Waters’s biopic about Milton Hershey. Finn Wittrock plays the famous chocolatier, with Alexandra Daddario (who may be the next on-screen Wonder Woman) as his wife.

The Panorama section includes All About Corinne, Marc Fitoussi’s comedy starring Isabelle Huppert as Corinne, an eternal movie extra who dreams of finally getting a substantial role. When she befriends a famous actress, played by Sandrine Kiberlain, she sees a possible route into the inner circle of French cinema. The supporting cast includes Diane Kruger, Anne Marivin, and Emmanuelle Bercot.

Romanian director Tudor Giurgiu’s 3 Days in September tells the story of a heroine whose wedding is wrecked when her fiancé’s mistress appears, sending her fleeing aboard a train and into an all-night journey through an off-season seaside resort. It features a single take lasting more than an hour and shifts between comedy and drama.

Everyone who loves the Big Apple will want to see The Only Living Pickpocket in New York, directed by Noah Segan and starring John Turturro as Harry, an old-school thief trying to survive in the digital age. Steve Buscemi, Giancarlo Esposito, and Tatiana Maslany co-star in what is both a crime story and a lament for a city that is changing faster than many of its residents can handle.

Another very different American story is told in The Weight, Padraic McKinley’s Depression-era thriller. Ethan Hawke plays a prisoner offered a chance at freedom by a warden, played by Russell Crowe, if he will help smuggle stolen gold from a remote mine.

One of the most important titles in the Carmel International Competition this year is Andrey Zvyagintsev’s Minotaur. The director of Leviathan and Loveless focuses on a successful Russian businessman whose orderly existence begins collapsing in 2022 amid professional, personal, and political pressures. The film won the Grand Prix at Cannes, and additional Haifa screenings have already been added to meet demand.

Also in the competition is François Ozon’s The Stranger, a new adaptation of Albert Camus’s classic novel. Set in French-colonial Algeria in 1938 and starring Benjamin Voisin as Meursault, the film returns to Camus’s story of alienation, murder, and the absurd while giving particular visual weight to the North African setting that forms the novel’s background.

A highlight of the festival will be the Israeli Cinema section, which features Marco Carmel’s much-anticipated Double Panther, based on the true story of Yaakov Elbaz, a criminal recruited by the police to infiltrate the Israeli Black Panthers, a political group that fought for the rights of Mizrahi Jews.

The assignment becomes complicated when Elbaz begins to sympathize with the people he is supposed to betray. Based on police files and archival material that remained confidential for decades, it turns a chapter of Israeli social history into an undercover crime drama, and stars Yaakov Zada-Daniel in the lead role.

Many Waters, written and directed by Imri Matalon, features Lihi Kornowski as a young woman who is paralyzed after an accident in the sea and meets Yosef, played by Alaa Daka, an aide at the rehabilitation center where she receives treatment. An intimate relationship develops between them, but outside pressures threaten it.

The leading director, Nitzan Gilady, passed away earlier this year; his final film, Thou Shalt Love, will be shown. It stars Yael Elkana as Naomi, a  28-year-old haredi (ultra-Orthodox) yoga teacher whose marriage is thrown into crisis when she discovers why her husband failed to appear at an important meeting with their rabbi. Michael Moshonov and Lena Fraifeld co-star.

Tomer Heymann’s ‘I Want to Tell My Story’ is a fresh approach to Holocaust history

Tomer Heymann is one of Israel’s most celebrated documentary filmmakers, and his latest film, I Want to Tell My Story, has an unusual approach to Holocaust history. As Shimon Rothschild approaches his 100th birthday, he reconstructs his own life on a studio set, directing actors portraying relatives who were murdered and restaging episodes including Auschwitz, medical experiments at Sachsenhausen, a death march, and his life after the war. Rather than simply recounting his memories, Rothschild becomes, in effect, the director, which floods him with conflicting emotions.

Uri Levi’s documentary Peace 2030 follows Maoz Inon, whose parents were killed on October 7, and Aziz Abu-Sarah, a Palestinian from Jerusalem who has suffered his own family loss. Together, they embark on an ambitious campaign the achieve Israeli-Palestinian peace by 2030.

Among the Haifa Docs selections is Boaz Dvir’s To Kill a Nazi, an investigation into the extraordinary story of Michel Cojot, a French Jew who sought the truth about his father’s murder at Auschwitz. His pursuit eventually led him to Klaus Barbie in Bolivia and unexpectedly connected him to the events surrounding the Entebbe rescue operation. Jason Alexander of Seinfeld narrates.

Music lovers will want to see Broken English, Iain Forsyth and Jane Pollard’s documentary about iconic singer Marianne Faithfull. Made with Faithfull’s participation, it looks back at a six-decade career defined as much by survival and reinvention as by music.

A special Japanese cinema program, From Mishima to Oshima, includes Paul Schrader’s typically unconventional 1985 movie, Mishima: A Life in Four Chapters. Schrader weaves the final day in writer Yukio Mishima’s life with flashbacks and highly stylized dramatizations of his fiction, accompanied by a score by Philip Glass.

The program also includes Kon Ichikawa’s 1958 Conflagration, adapted from Mishima’s novel The Temple of the Golden Pavilion. Its story of an alienated young man whose obsession with the purity and beauty of a Kyoto temple takes a destructive turn remains one of the landmarks of postwar Japanese cinema and literature.

Haifa’s Wildest Nights section offers Hille Norden’s German film Easy Girl, about Nore, an uninhibited young woman who befriends a medical student and gradually reveals her dark past.

Haifa Classics is always a wonderful section, and this year it provides a welcome opportunity to see Barbra Streisand as she was meant to be seen: larger than life, on a movie screen.

The Streisand tribute will include William Wyler’s Funny Girl, the 1968 film that gave Streisand her first movie role, and an Oscar, for her portrayal of vaudeville and Broadway star Fanny Brice, a movie that holds up remarkably well, and features Omar Sharif as her husband, Jewish gambler Nick Arnstein; Gene Kelly’s lavish 1969 musical Hello, Dolly!; and Frank Pierson’s 1976 version of A Star Is Born, in which Streisand stars opposite Kris Kristofferson, with a screenplay by the director and acclaimed authors Joan Didion and John Gregory Dunne.

It isn’t the best version of this story, but it will be interesting to see how it holds up after 50 years. Yentl, the classic gender-bending story of shtetl life based on an Isaac Bashevis Singer story, will also be shown.

The Israeli premieres of major new films by Boyle, Assayas, Ozon, Zvyagintsev, and Salvadori, along with a strong Israeli lineup, ambitious documentaries, Japanese masterpieces, and Streisand singing her heart out, make this year’s Haifa International Film Festival an event every cinephile will want to attend.

For more information, go to the website at www.haifaff.co.il/

This post was originally published on here.